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THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 
AND THE LANDFALL OF COLUMBUS 



THE LAST RESTING PLACE OF COLUMBUS 



Two iMonograplis, based on Personal Investigations 

by Rudolf Cronau 

With Reproductions of JMaps, Inscriptions and 
Autographs, and of Original Drawings by the Author. 




PUBLISHED BY R. CRONAU 

340 East IflSni Street, New York 
lfl21 






copykight 1921 
By Rudolf Cronau 



This book is A^o. / |7 of a special 
edition limited to three hundred copies. 



M^^^ 




SEP 30 71 



g)''.!.A627054 



*v>«C 



THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 
AND THE LANDFALL OF COLUMBUS 



THEMsaroyoFAmtA 

AND THE LANDFALL OF COLUMBUS 



Bv RUDOli' CRONAU 



.^■•^ 



^'^^ 






THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA 
AND THE LANDFALL OF COLUMBUS 



fISTORIC splendour surrounds the name of that 
island where inhabitants of the old world for the 
first time met aborigines of the new. Yet we must 
confess with shame that so far it has been impos- 
sible to point out conclusively the particular island on whose 
shore this memorable event took place." 

These were the Avords, ^ith which in 1890, \\'hen all human- 
ity began to pre])are for the celebration of the four-hundredth 
anniversary of the discovery of America by Columbus, an 
eminent scholar characterized the "Guandhani - Question," 
perhaps the most interesting problem in all history. Indeed, 
no other question has been so baffling and caused such con- 
troversy. Numerous ingenious students have tried to solve 
it, but the sole agreement reached by their arduous investiga- 
tions was that the landfall of Columlms took place at one of 
those many islands, which stretch from the south-eastern coast 
of Florida toward Hayti. and are knowii as the Lucayos or 
Bahamas. Kverything beyond this meagre residt remained 
doubtful, and the opinions as to which of these islands might 
be identical with Guanahani, differed widely. 

This unsatisfactory state of affairs has been caused by 
several peculiar circumstances. 

1. The original log-book or journal, kept liy Columl)US 
during his memorable voyage, has disappeared. Also all 
charts he made of his discoveries. The only source, scholars 
could rely upon, in the piu-suit of their investigations. Mere 
extracts of the join-nal, fiu'nished by Bishop I^as Casas, the 
famous contemporary of Columbus. When I^as Casas was 
engaged in writing his "Historia de las Indias," which covers 
the period from 1492 to 1520, he had before him the original 



^ 




log-book of Cohuiibus, and from this dociiuieiit he excerpted 
the words of the admiral literally from October TJth, the time 
of the landfall at Guanahani, to October 29th. Inestimable 
as these extracts are they lack, however, just those statements, 
Avhich would make the identification of Guanahani very easy: 
V/ the astronomic observations Columbus had niade about the 

position of those islands discovered by him during- liis journey. 
That such statements were included in the original log-book, 
we must assume as a matter of fact. But imfortimately Las 
Casas omitted to include them in his extracts, probably in the 
belief that they would not interest the general public. 

2. The Bahama arch)])elago, containing no gold or other 
riches, A\'as very rarely visited by the Spaniards during the 
16th century. After ha^ hig carried off the natives, Avho Avere 
compelled to work in the gold mines of Espanola, the Spanish 
conquerers paid no attention thereafter to these out-of-the-way 
islands. As a result not only did the melodious names used 
by the natives for the different islands vanish from memory, 
but also the names which Columbus had given to those places 
discovered by him. Likewise on the maps the outlines and 
positions of the numerous islands became in time very vague 
and incorrect. The confusion grew M'hen, din-ing the 17th anc] 
18th centuries, the Bahamas became the lurking places of 
English pirates. These rough buccaneers, out for prey and 
plunder only, bestowed upon many of the islands those names 
Avhich are still 'm use to-day, but have no relation to the past. 

3. To the many difficulties caused by the aforesaid cir- 
cumstances has to be added the fact that the Bahama arch- 
ipelago consists of no less than 29 large islands, 661 islets or 
cays, and 2387 rocks and reefs. As tlieir formation is every- 
where the same, namely calcareous rocks of coral and shell 
hardened into limestone, so they are in general character and 
appearance very much alike. 

4. Special maps showing all the details of the many islands 
of the Bahama archipelago do not exist. Even the charts 
pubhshed by the British .\dmiralty are in many respects in- 
sufficient, as thev consider the demands of the mariner onlv. 



In view of all these eircumstances no one can be surjjvised 
at tlie widely differing views and results obtained by scholars 
in their Aai'ious attempts to sohe the Guanahani-Question. 

A brief enumeration of these attempts may follow here. 

It was in 1731 that Catesby in his "Natural History of 
Carolina" exjiressed the opinion, that Guanahani and Cat 
Island might be identical. Knox, editor of "The New Col- 
lection of Voyages and Travels" (17G7), advanced a similar 
\'iew. So did De la Roquette in his French version of 
Na\arrete's "Coleecion de los ^"iages y descubrimientos" 
(1828). And he was followed by Baron de JNIontlezun in the 
"Nouvelles annales des voyages" (1828-1829). 

When Washington Irving planned his biography of Col- 
umbus, he asked Alexander S. JMackenzie, an officer of the 
U. S. Navy, to make a study of the Cxuanahani-Question. 
The results of his investigations were accepted by Irving and 
with his book found world-^\■ide circulation. And when 
Alexander von Humboldt in "Kritische TJntersuchungen" 
also became an adA^ocate for Cat Island the Aveight of 
IIuu)boldt's name was the real cause for naming Cat Island 
San Salvador on the majority of the maps of the 19th centiuy. 

In contrast with those A'iews IM. F. de Navarrete, the author 
of "Coleecion de los Viages y Descubrimientos" (JNIadrid 
182.5)' advanced arguments in favor of Grand Turk, an island 
l)elonging to the Caicos group. Samuel Kettle in "Personal 
narrative of the first voyage of Columbus" (Boston 1827) 
and George Gibbs in the "Proceedings of the Ncav York 
Historical Society" of 1846, and in the "Historical JMagazine" 
of June 1858, argaied for the same island. So did R. H. 
.Major in the first edition of "Select letters of Columbus" 
(1847). 

Several years later, howcA^er, in the summer of 1864, F. A. 
(le A^arnhagen published in Santiago de Chile a treatise "La 
verdadera Guanahani," in Avhich he expressed his belief that 
the island Mariguana might be entitled to the name Guana- 
hani. 



10 

The American captain (iustavus V. Fox, author of the 
luonograph: "An attempt to solve the problem of the first 
landing place of Columbus in the New World," came to the 
conclusion, that Samana might be the scene of the landfall. 
His investigations appeared in 1S80 as a U. S. Coast Survey 
Report. 

Also Watling's Island has been suggested; first by J. P. 
]Munoz in his "Historia del Xuevo ^lundo" (^Madrid 1793) ; 
then by A. B. Bechcr in his book "The Landfall of Columbus" 
(London 1856) ; furthermore by O. Peschel in "Geschichte 
des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen" (Stuttgart 1858) ; also by 
R. H. ]Major in the "Journal of the Royal Geographical 
Society of 1871 ; by J. B. ^Nlin-dock in the monograph pub- 
lished in the "Proceedings of the V. S. Xaval Institute" of 
1884; and, finally by R. Pietschmann in "Zeitschrift fuer 
wissenschaftliche Geographic," 1880. 

It must be emphasized here, that with the exception of the 
U. S. captain J. Y. Fox, none of the above mentioned writers 
ever had an opportunity to visit the Bahama Islands and to 
study the Guanahani-Qucstion on the spot. All had been 
compelled to rely on Las Casas' extracts of the joiu-nal of 
Cokunbus and on such maps, as they were able to obtain. 
But as even the sea charts of to-day are in many respects 
insufficient, the widely differing \icws obtained in the many 
attempts to identify Guanahani cannot surprise us. 

So the Guanahani-Question remained in doubt. All that 
Justin Winsor, the American historian, felt justified in saying 
in his Avell known book on Colum])us was that "the opinion of 
scholars has been drifting toA\ards a belief that the landfall 
was on Watling's Island." 

Such was the situation when in 1890 the author of this 
essay, for many years deeply interested in American affairs, 
became engaged in writing a history of the discovery of the 
New World.*) 



J 



*) IJ. Cronuu, "Aincrik.L, die Cn-scliiclite seiner F'ntdeekuii!;' " 'i viils. with ;i" 
ina])s and 5t5 ilhistrntiims. I/eipzip, 1892. 

K. Cronjui, "Anierieu, Ilistorla de sii ilescidiriniiento." .3 vols, nareeliina, ISO'i. 



II 

Stimulated by the desii'e to make this work as authentic and 
valuable as possible, I decided to visit the more important of 
those places in the West Indies, Mexico and other parts of 
America, that during the centuries of discovery had gained 
historical interest. Besides, I cherished the hope that perhaps 
it might be given to me to solve the vexing Guanahani- 
problem. In the pursuit of this object I made extensive 
journej^s through the Bahama archipelago, exploring all the 
different islands that possibly might come into consideration. 

I began my ^'oyage determined not to be influenced by the 
views of any former investigators, but to be guided solely by 
such notes and descriptions as are contained in the extracts 
Las Casas furnished from the original log-book of Columbus. 
The difficult task for me Avas to find in the -wide Bahama 
archipelago those places which in their aspect as well as in 
their relation to other islands would answer the descriptions 
given by Columbus, and A\hich in their succession would be in 
strict accord with the notes Columbus had made in his log- 
book about his sailings. 



*%¥^ 




12 



THE DESCRIPTIOX OF GUANAHAXI, AS GIVEN 
BY COLTTMBUS. 

Of these notes none are of such i^araniount importance as 
those which Columbus gave of Guanahani. They appear 
under date of October 13th, 1492, in the following words: 

"This island is quite large and very level, and covered 
with beautiful green trees. It has much water, and a large 
hdxc in the centre. It is zcithout any mountain, and the A'ege- 
tation is so luxm-iant that it is a pleasure to behold it." 

On October the 14th Columbus wrote: "At daybreak I had 
the boat of the ship and the boats of the caravels inade ready 
and went along the island in a north-northeasterly direction 
in order to see the other side or the eastern part, and also the 
villages; and soon I saAV two or three, and the inhabitants, 
coming to the shore, calling us. They beseeched us to land 
there, but I was air aid of a reef of rocks which entirely sur- 
rounds the island. Hut within this belt is a harbor of such size, 
that there would be ample room for all the vessels of Christen- 
dom; but the entrance is very narrow. True, there are .some 
rocks within this harlwr, but the water is as calm and motion- 
less as that of a well. I decided to investigate all these things 
this morning, in order that I should be able to give to yoiu- 
Highnesses (the King and Queen of Spain) a thorough report 
of e^'erything. / also wanted to find out the best location for a 
fort. And I discovered a piece of land, resembling an island, 
although it is not one, with six huts on it. This piece of land 
could easily be cut through within trvo days, thereby converting 
it into an island." 

While this is all that Columbus said A\'ith reference to 
Guanahani itself, it is important to mention also that Bishop 
I^as Casas in the first chapter of his "Apologetica Historia" 
says: "The first land discovered A\'as one of the group of 
islands which are known as the I^ucayos. The aforesaid island 
l)ears resemblance in shape to a bean." 



13 



Scant as these remarks are, together with the notes Las 
Casas gave about the sailing directions of Columbus during 
the progress of his journey and of the distance from one 
island to the other, they furnished to the writer of this essay 
the first means for ascertaining the true location of Guanahani. 
After the most careful consideration of these notes and after 
thorough investigations on the spot, I came to the conclusion 
tliat no other place but WcdUng's Island could be identical 
with Guanahani, and that the hinding place of Columbus was 
on the west side of that island. 

To substantiate these views, I wish to state first, that 
Watling's Island, with a length of t\velve miles from north 
to south and a breadth of five to seven miles from east to 
west, has just the size to permit the expressions of I^as Casas 
and Columbus in speaking of Guanahani at one time as of 
"una isleta" (a small island), and at another time as "liien 
grande" (moderately large). 

Watling's Island, seen from the ocean, appears also as 
very level and without any elevations. The few thickly 
wooded ridges, which divide the several lagoons, rise to 100 
or 140 feet only. 

Columbus dwells Avith great delight on the beautiful vege- 
tation of Guanahani. In spite of the fact, that during the 
18th and 19th centuries all the larger trees have been cut 
down and carried off by lumbermen, the island still enjoys 
to-day such luxurious vegetation that it has been distinguished 
with the epithet "the garden of the Bahamas." 

Columbus mentions that the island has much water and a 
large lake in the center ("// vnicJias aguas, y una laguna en 
medio muy grande"). As our map shows. Watling's Island 
has not only a number of smaller lagoons, but in its middle 
also a large sheet of water. The present inhabitants of the 
island call it "the great lake." 

As none of the islands proposed by the other writers have 
such a topographical distinguishing mark, its existence on 
Watling's Island is a featvu-e sufficient in itself to identify 
it with Guanahani. 



u 



14 



:^^^ 



.-ep* 




r\,<^ SAMANA. 




W.' watling's 

ISUAND 



GRAND TURK 



CAT 
ISLAND 



t 



MARIGUANA 




The above outlines of tlie various islands, suggested as being identical with 

Guanahani, prove that none, except Watling's Island, has the shape of a 

bean. Also none, except Watling's Island, has in its center a lake, and 

none, except Watling's Island, has a great reef harbor. 

If we consider the existence of this lake in the center of 
the island as a deciding factor, we find that Cat Island has 
to be eliminated from competition at once. As this island 
is 42 miles long but only 3 to 4 miles wide, there is no spot 
that might properly be called its "center." Besides, the whole 
island is, as I can state by personal investigation, nothing but 
one continuous ridge, varying from 200 to 400 feet in height 
and excluding all possibility of a "large lake." Water is not 
abundant but is so scarce that the inhabitants must sul)sist, 
as on many other Bahama Islands, on rainwater. 

Samana or Atwood Cay, favored by Captain Fox, contains 
no lake either. Nine miles long from east to Avest and \V2 
miles broad from north to south, it has in its center no lake, 
but a hill one hundred feet high. 

At Mariguana, advocated by Varnhagen, we also look in 
vain for a lake. The island is 24 miles long from east to 
west and from 2 to G miles A\ide from north to south. In 
its midst rises Centre Hill, 110 feet high. 

Grand Tiu-k, proposed by Navarrete and Gibbs, has sever- 
al salt ponds, but none of such size as to be called "a large 
lake." 



15 



The statement of Las Casas, that Guanahani in its outline 
resembles a bean, is also well worth considering. One glance 
at the outlines of Cat Island as well as of Saniana, Mariguana 
and Grand Turk, must convince everyone that none of these 
islands permits such comparison, while the outlines of Wat- 
ling's Island answer in the most striking manner. 

But now let us see if the other notes found in the journal 
of Columbus about his stay on Guanahani are in accord with 
our assumption that Guanahani and Watling's Island are 
identical. 




IC 



THE LANDING PLACE OF COLUMBUS AT 
GUANAHANI. 

As the journal of Columbus omits to indicate on what part 
of Guanahani he went ashore on the morning of October 12th, 
1492, any attempt to solve this question seems almost auda- 
cious. However, the journal contains a few remarks written 
during the time from October 11th to 14th which induce us 
to grapple with this difficult question. By studying the jour- 
nal we learn that the little fleet of Columbus from October 
7th to 11th had sailed in the direction west-southwest, but 
that after sunset of the last n anted date the vessels followed 
again the original course to the west. 

At ten o'clock on the night of October the 11th the Admiral, 
standing on the castle of the poop, believed he saw "a light, 
but it was so indistinct that he did not dare to affirm it as a 
sign of land. Yet he called the attention of Pedro Gutierrez, 
a keeper of the King's wardroom, to it and told him that it 
seemed to be a light, asking him to look, and he did so and 
saw it. He did the same with Rodrigo Sanchez de Segovia, 
whom the King and Queen had sent with the fleet as super- 
visor and purveyor. But he, not being in a good position saw 
nothing. After the Admiral said this, it was seen once or 
twice, and it was like a small wax candle that was hoisted 
and raised, which would seem to few to be an indication of 
land." 

Wliether there was really such a light or not is of no great 
value, as the journal says nothing about the direction in which 
the vision was seen. If there was a light, it may have been on an 
Indian canoe, whose crew was engaged on a trading trip. 
Such assumption would l)est explain the unsteady character 
of the light. 

Two hours after midnight land was seen two leagues off, 
A\'hereupon all sails Avere lowered Mith the exception of a storm 
square-sail. Then the A^essels "lay to, standing off and on un- 
til Friflay morning." The statement that the vessels "lav to" 



17 




•"shinchinbroke: roc>^5 
» 



Map of Guanahani or Watling's Island, showing the track of Columbus. 



18 

after the sails had been taken in, is of greatest importance for 
the determination of the question as to A\hat part of Guana- 
hani the fleet of Cokimbus anchored in. Cohmibus states that 
on Thvu-sday Octolier 11th "the vessels encomitered a heavier 
sea than they had met at any time before during the voyage." 
Furthermore, that "in the coin-se of twenty hours the vessels 
made the remarkable run of fifty-nine leagues, running at 
times ten miles an hour, at others tweh^e, at others seven. In 
the evening of the 11th, froni sunset till two hours after mid- 
night, the average rate was twelve miles an hour." 

These statements indicate unmistakably that the heavy sea 
was caused by a strong ^\'ind, coming from the east, for by no 
other means could the vessels make such rapid progress. Now 
every sailor on the Atlantic knows that the Bahamas are in the 
track of the east-northeastern trade winds, Avhich blow at that 
time of the year regularly, sweeping over the \\hole West In- 
dies. From the rapid movement of the fleet it appears that 
these winds were exceptionallj^ strong on October 11th. Under 
such conditions no sailor would attempt a landing on the 
weather side of an island, which is exposed to the turbulence 
of a heavy surf caused by a rough sea. Besides, the whole eas- 
tern coast of Watling's Island is buttressed by a continuous 
and dangerous line of rocks. Regarding this the "West Indies 
Pilot," published by the British Admiralty, says: "The eastern 
coast of Watling's Island is fringed by a reaf, which sweei:)s 
around the northern end of the island at a distance of three 
miles from that shore." As even in calm weather a landing on a 
coast like this is extremely hazardous, such an attempt Avas cer- 
tainly not made under the conditions prcA'ailing during the 
night and morning of October the 12th, 1492. This fact is 
clearly indicated by the statement that the vessels, after the 
sails had been taken in "lay to until the morning." As the land 
had been seen two houi-s after midnight, ^ve may assume that 
the vessels were "laying to" for about four hours. 

Now, small iiesseh such as the caravels of Columbus do 
not, while laying to, remain at the same spot, especially when 
the wind and the movement of the sea are strong, as was the 



19 

case. Under such conditions vessels during four hours are 
carried away by the wind and the current for several miles, 
probably as many as ten or fifteen, or some miles beyond Wat- 
ling's Island, -which is only six to seven miles broad. In the 
morning, A\hether the vessel passed the island on the north or ^^ 
on the south, the only natural course leas to turn about and ap- 
proach the island from the west and seek an anchorage on the 
lee or protected side. 

While searching here for a safe landing place the atten- 
tion of the sailors must have been attracted by the same small 
but convenient beach in M'hich all vessels cast anchor, that call 
at Watling's Island today. The "West Indies Pilot" says: 
"There is anchorage tcith the usual winds in depths of about 8 
fathoms, off Cockburn Town, the jmncipal settlement south- 
ward of Riding Rock Point, and northward of Gardiner Reef; 
the soundings are from 5 to 8 fathoms on the edge of the bank, 
which is very steep, and a vessel should ancJior immediately 
they are obtained." 

Cockburn Toami occupies without doubt the site of a for- 
mer Indian tillage, whose inhabitants nmst have appreciated 
this beach as the most convenient landing place for their canoes 
just as the people of Cockbiu'n Town do today. 

If we assume, that this beach was also the landing place of 
Columbus on October I'ith, 1492, the many obstacles which 
present themselves in every other theory and that have em- 
barrassed all the other investigators, completely disappear. 
In constant accoi-d with the log-book, we enjoy smooth sailing 
from Guanahani to Cuba. 






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thp: boat trip of colttmbus on October 

THE Uth and the DISCOVERY OF 
THE GREAT REEF HARBOR. 

"At dawn", so Coliinibiis states in his journal under the 
date of October 14th, "Z ordered the boat of the shij) and the 
boats of the caravels to be made ready and I went along the 
island in a north-nort h east crlij direction, to cvplorc the other 
part of the island, namehj that tchich lies to the east." Din-ing 
this journey a number of natives apjjeared at the coast, be- 
seeching Columbus to come ashore. "But" so the Admiral 
continues, "/ was afraid to do this on account of a great reef 
of rocks, •which entirely surrounded the island, although there 
is, within, a harbor ample deep and wide enough to shelter all 
the vessels of Christendom ; but the entrance is very narrow. 
True, there are some rocks within this harbor, but the water 
is there as smooth as n pond. I xcent to see all this this morn- 
ing in order that I might be able lo give an account of every- 
thing to your Highnesses ; and also to find out where a fort 
could l)c built. I discovered a piece of land zchich looks like an 
island, although it is not one. Sia' diceUings were located 
thereon. In two days it could easili/ l)c cut off and converted 
into an island." 

These are the sentences, ^hich for the further identifica- 
tion of Guanahani and the landing place are of greatest impor- 
tance. Therefore, Ave must consider them line by line. 

When in the first sentence Columbus states, that he set 
out "to exx^lore the other part of the island, namely that which 
lies to the east," we have again a clear confirmation, tliat Jus 
vessels were not at the east side of the i.tland, but most pro- 
bably at the opposite or west coa.st. Besides, if we would accept 
a landing at the east coast of ^Vatling's Island, then a boat 
trip undertaken in a north-northeasterly direction would have 
taken the Admiral into the open ocean. 

The I^nglish geographer R.H. ^Nlajor was inclined to seek 
the landing place of Columbus at the southeastern point of 



AVatling's, believing that one of the t\\o tongues of land to be 
found there might answer for the one described by the Admiral, 
and that the sheet of water enclosed by these land tongues, 
might be the marvellous reef harbor, able to hold all the vessels 
of Christendom. Close investigations prove, however, that 
these theories can not stand. First, the inlet between the ton- 
gues, known as Pigeon Creek, is no reef harbor. Secondly, 
the entrance to this sheet of Avater is not, as that described by 
Columbus, "very narrow" but very wide. Thirdly, both land- 
tongiies are much too broad to permit cutting" them through 
within two days. Foiu'thlyj the theory that the Admiral might 
have landed on the southern coast of Watling's seems impro- 
bable, as indicated by the folloAA'ing note written by Columbus 
on October, 13th : "Through signs, made by the al)origines, 
I was able to understand that by going to the south or going 
aroimd the island to southward, there was a king Avho has large 
gold vessels and gold in abundance." "If Columbus had been 
at the south coast, then he AAOuld have had no reason to say 
"by going aroimd the island to the southward." 

Supposing, however, that Columbus had gone ashore on 
the beach at Riding Rock Point, it is easy to identify every 
spot described by the great discoverer. A boat trip, under- 
iakcn from Riding Rock Point in north -7iorth cost erlt/ direc- 
tion leads alone/ a great reef of rocks, the same which made 
Columbus afraid to land. EveryAvhcrc hammered ])y the surf 
caused by the swelling of the sea, its aspect is forbidding 
enough to discourage any attempt to pass over these rocks in 
a row-boat in order to reach the shore. 

By passing along this reef in a north-northeastern direc- 
tion we reach the northwestern or Barkers Point of Watlina's 
Island and soon arrive at a small islet, called Green Cay. At 
its south end is a narrow channel 7 feet deep leading into an 
enormous reef harbor, which, answers in every respect the de- 
scription given bij Columbus. 

The "West Indies Pilot" furnishes the following comment 
on this harbor: "There is no safe anchorage on Watling's Is- 
land except at the northend, where there is a reef harbor for 



23 

coasters." ^Vboiit its entrance the same handbook says: 
"Around the southend of Green Cay is the channel with 7 feet 
water, leading into the anchorage for coasters." 

While these remarks are meagre, the drawings on the En- 
glish and American sea charts are even still more deficient. 
Not one of these maps contains details about this reef harbor, a 
fact A^'hich proves that the knowledge of these regions, M'hich 
are outside of the main lanes of travel for steamers, remain to 
this day vague and imperfect. In fact this harbor is the most 
unique and most remarkable in the whole Bahama groujy, and 
when Columbus stated that it "was amply wide enough to shel- 
ter all the vessels of Christendom" he had not made hhnself 
guilty of exaggeration. 

The "West Indies Pilot" and the "IJ. S. Nautical Hand- 
book about the Caribbean Seas" contain nothing about the size 
of the harbor. According to our o\\'n estimate its extent from 
the entrance at Green Cay to its eastern limits may be three 
and a half to four miles. The extent from south to north may / 
be about the same. That within such a large space the fleets of 
mediaeval Europe might be easily assembled is obvious. 

It was on the 21st of November 1890 that I investigated 
the western coast of Watling's Island, in order to identify the 
place descril)cd l)y Columltus. After a tedious Avalk along 
the sandy shores from Cockburn Toami to the northwest point 
I reached the spot where, if my theory should proA^e correct, 
the great reef harbor must come in sight. Here, after climb- 
ing a rocky ridge, my efforts were repaid by one of the most 
astoimding sights I ha^^e ever had in my life. There the im- 
mense harbor stretched before my eyes, reaching to the far 
horizon, its limits everywhere distinguishable by the Avhite 
surf, thrown by the Avaves of the ocean against the line of reefs. 
And lo! "while outside the reefs the ocean was in motion, the 
watei's within the Jiarbor were just as described bj^ Columbus, 
"as calm and smooth as a pond." 

In his description of the harbor, Columbus does not forget 
to mention some rocks within this harbor. Their dark heads 
rise here and there a])ove the bright greenish-blue sheet of 
water. 



24 

But where was \hc" piece of land, rcsetnhUng an island, 
although it is not one?" O wonder! I beheld it in the distanee 
running- out from the northeastern point of Wathng's Island, 
and answerin!^- exactly to the description as given l)y the Admi- 
ral: "Uescmhliug an island although it is not one." By close in- 
A-estigation I found that this tongue of land is about half a mile 
long and on an average 2U0 to 300 steps wide. Just where it 
runs out from the main land are two places, only 30 to 40 steps 
wide , which according to the statement of Columlius, might be 
cut through within two days, easily. For a fortitication, such 
as the Spaniards used to construct in the West Indies during 
the 16th and 17th centuries, this piece of land is admiraltly 
adapted. While there is ample room for a citadel like those of 
Puerto Plata and Santo Domingo, the sides of the tongue are 
very steep, rising abruptly from the ocean as well as from the 
reef harbor. That the excellent strategic value of this piece 
of land was perceived by later visitors also, is indicated by the 
presence of a hea\'y iron cannon, which still resting on its origi- 
nal carriage, stands hidden in the thick brush that covers this 
remarkable peninsula. Pointed exactly to the narrow entrance 
of the reef harbor at the so\ith end of Green Cay, this gun is 
without doubt a relic of those times when the Spanish and the 
l^'^nglish buccaneers battled for the possession of the Bahama 
Islands. Most probably the harbor served as a hiding place for 
^Vatling, Blackbeard, and other notorious pirates, who infested 
the Bahamas during the 17th and 18th centuries. 

It is not impossible that in those Iiygone days an attempt 
was made to convert the most extreme part of this land-tongue 
into a fortified retreat- There exists a cut, about 180 to 200 feet 
wide and 45 feet deep, navigable for row-boats at high tide. 
AVhether it was made by men or by the ocean is difficult to 
decide. — 

As a confirmation of my statements- I add here a des<"ri])- 
tion of the I'eef harl)or and the land-tongue, as given l)y Walter 
Wellman, a well-known writer, who visited Watling's Island 
in .Time 1891, seven months subsequent to my visit. In the 
"Chicago Herald" of ,Tuly 4th, 1801. he writes as follows: "It 



o 
3 

c 
ft 



3 






ni 






3 


»: 


re 


0- 


3 


«: 






o 




»-♦» 






S 

a? 


^ 


a- 


V 


'< 




!33or? 


c 




(i- 




o 


HH 




W 


1-h 






a 


O 


3 


i-< 


p- 


o 




a 




K 


m 


C 


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3 




26 

is a remarkable fact tliat the piece of land like an island, which 
Columbus mentions, which could be easily cut oft' and con- 
verted into an island, and which is conclusive evidence, does 
jiot appear in any map or chart of Watling's which we have 
seen. Little was known of the hai-bor, but aiiparently noth- 
ing whatever was known of the piece of land like an island. 
We have searched cliarts and maps in vain for it and fbially 
settled doAMi to the fear that the absence of such a headland 
might be found a Aveak point in the Watlings' theory. No one 
whom A\'e met Icne^v anj'thing of such a headland and we feared 
no such headland existed. Imagine oin- siu-prise that bright 
morning on which we started into Graham's Harbor, to see a 
long neck of land projecting a quartei" of a mile into the sea 
from the northeast point of the island and through it, about 
midway from land to its outermost point, a cut through which 
tlie green water of the sea A\as poin-ing. With one accord all 
on board exclaimed: There is the piece of land like an island, 
and yet not an island, but which could easily be made an island, 
as Columbus described! And so it was. For centuries the sea, 
running in strongly at times through the reefs, has been wear- 
ing away at that cut. When Columl)us saw it no doubt it was 
still connected above the sea level A\ith the maiidand. Now 
four hundred years later it is an open cut, across which one 
may pick his way with dry feet at low tide. The headland is 
quite wide in places and must contain at least fifteen or tAventy 
acres of ground. This tongue of land is proof almost as strong- 
as holy Avrit of the identity of Watling's Island with the San 
Salvador of the great discoverer. It is conceivalile that at 
many places in the Bahama Islands there may be similar necks 
of land, more or less cut off from the mainland by the action of 
the sea; it is also conceivable that there may be other harbors 
in the Bahamas similar to the one which Columbus here saw 
and described. But it is far beyond the range of the probable, 
that at any other point there exists, one besides the other, such 
a harbor and such a headland, meeting in every particular both 
as to themselves and as to their relative positions in an island 
which also fully meets every requirement of Cohmibus' de- 
scription of his San Salvador."^ — 



27 




Tongiie of Land at the northeastern end of Watling's Island. 
Seen from Southeast toward Northwest. 

Of great interest is also the following letter by Lieuten- 
ant J. B. INIurdock, U. S. Navy, the author of the memoir 
"The Cruise of Columbus in the Bahamas" (No. 30 of the Pro- 
ceedings of the U. S. Naval Institute). Of all the investiga- 
tors of the Guanahani-Question it Avas he Avho came nearest to 
the solution, as his theory was that Columbus might have land- 
ed on the Avest side of Watling's Island a little north of the 
soutliAvest point. But relying on imaccm-ate maps only and 
not having A'isited the island personally, INIurdock was nnal)le 
to give any account about the reef harbor and "the piece of 
land like an island and yet not an island." 

When in 1894 I became for the first time acquainted with 
jMurdock's memoir, I addressed a letter to this officer, inform- 
ing him of the results of my investigations on the island. In 
response came the following letter: 

U. S. Ship iNIinneapolis, 
Navy Yard, League Id. Pa. 
Dec. 22 1894. 



Mr. Rudolph Cronau, 

W^ashington, D. C. 
Dear Sir! 

I have received your letter of the 17th inst. and Avas much 
interested therein. I think that the A'ieAvs I advanced in my 
article Avritten for the IT. S. Naval Institute in 1884 in relation 



28 

to the ci'uise of Columbus in the Bahamas in 14.92 has been 
quite favorably received by persons well qualified to judge, but 
I am especially gratified l)y the fact that after indejiendent and 
careful investigations on the spot you were led to the conclu- 
sion in accordance with nn"ne before you Ivnew the latter. The 
close agreement between us tends under these circumstances to 
confii'm my results. 

I am greatly obliged for your writing me and for the in- 
formation you give as to the harbor at the north end of Wat- 
ling's Island. I suspected the existence of something of that 
kind from the charts I examined but they Avere rather indefin- 
itive and I coidd reach no positive conclusion. The residt of 
your OAvn personal investigations is therefore of great interest 
to me. 

Thanking you again for your letter. I remain, dear Sir, 

Very tndy yours, 

S. 13. Alurdock, 

l.ieut. U. S. Xavv. 




A relic of bygone days. 
Old cannon, found on the tongue of land on Watling's IslaniL 



29 



THE ENIGMA OF THE "INIANY ISLANDS." 

"After I had investigated all the harbor," so continues 
Columbus in his journal under the date of October 14th, "I 
returned to the .ships and set sail. Soon I saw so many isl- 
ands that I was perplexed to which one I should go first. The 
natives I had taken (from Guanahani) indicated by signs that 
there were so many islands tJtat they could not be counted, and 
they named more than one hundred of them. I concluded there- 
fore to look for the largest one and to this I intend to go." 

It was this passage which proved to be to all scholars in- 
terested in the Guanahani-Question an unsurmountable obsta- 
cle- As there is no place within the entire Bahama archipel- 
ago where "many islands" can be seen at one and the same 
time, no one was able to give a satisfactory explanation. 
Becher, Fox, Varnhagen and Miu'dock racked their brains in 
vain for a solution of this enigma. Mm-dock tried to escape 
the embarrassing question with the following words: "It is 
hard to imagine that Columbus was deceived or that he con- 
strued clouds or indications of land into islands; but his lan- 
guage indicates the existence of an archipelago such as we can- 
not find anywhere on our maps of today near the border of the 
Bahamas, except in the vicinity of the Caycos, and this cluster 
of islands is so situated that no track can be followed from 
them that agrees ^\■ith any of the subsequent records. It seems 
better to admit that tliis passage cannot be understood, rather 
than to attempt any forced reconcilement. Columbus may have 
been deceived, or some error may have crept into the log later. 
As it .stands it is irreconcilable with modern charts."* 

And yet this puzzling question is easily solved, when Ave 
consider the physical conditions of the many islands constitut- 
ing the Bahama archipelago. Like the coral islands of the 
I'acific and the Indian Ocean, the Bahama islands are very 
low and without mountains. They have no other elevations 
l)ut a number of hills and ridges, which rise generally not above 



•) Mu.rdock, "riie Cruise of Coliimlms in tlie Bahamas." j). iSS. 



1/ 



30 

100 to 200 feet. Now, when a vessel eruising in these regions 
conies in sight of siieh islands the lops of thcs-c hills and ridges 
emerge first above ihe horizon and appear as so manii separate 
islands. Not unlit the vessel approaehes eonsiderahhj eloser, 
do the connecting lotclands come into view. 

^Vhen on Xo\'en)ber 19th, 1890, I cruised on board the 
schooner "Richmond" bet^veen the islands Conception and 
Kuin Cay, the former appeared sometimes like three, at other 
times like four, five and even like six separate islands, no con- 
nections being visible between them. The same illusion forced 
itself upon me in regard to Rum Cay. Alternately, accoi-ding 
to the distance between the island and the schooner, which, 
tacking against the trade wind, Avas bound for Watling's, the 
hills of Rum Cay appeared like five or six separate islands. 
These Avith every dip of the vessel disappeared below the hor- 
izon, but came into view again as soon as the schooner Mas 
lifted bv a wave. 



PrafUeof RumCav. fromN-NE toS-5\W.Dist.l0miles 



^y 



Profile of Rum Ca^, from NE to 3W. Dist, 9 miles 



Profile of Conception, from N to S. Dist 9mllGS 

As Columbus recites in his journal, the natives of Guana- 
hani had given him to understand that if he Avould find a coun- 
try rich with gold he must sail toward the south and southwest. 
Assuming that he followed this advice, and assuming that l>y 
the strong current of the Aequatorial stream, coming from the 
southeast and rimning to the northwest, his vessels were car- 
ried somewhat in the latter direction, tJiei/ maij have been at a 
point where the hills of both Conception and Rum Cay were 
in view at the same time, appearing like so many separate isl- 
ands, Just as they appeared to the writer on November 20th, 
1890. That Conception Avas then in A'ieAv, seems most probable 
not only from the recorded determination of Cokunbus to steer 



31 

toward the largest of the islands, but also from the famous 
map by Juan de la Cosa. On this map, which La Cosa made 
in 1500, he indicated west of Guanahani and northwest of the 
second island visited by Columbus, an islet which can be identi- 
tield only with the pi-esent Conception.*) (See maj) of La Co- 
sa.) 

The belief of Columbus that there Avere "many" islands, is 
not sui-prising as he met here a type of islands the i)hysical 
character and appearance of which was entirely new to him. 
He knew the islands of the ^Mediterranean Sea, the Azores, 
the Canary and Cape A'^erde Islands, all of which are moun- 
tainous and visible at great distances. Coral islands, however, 
he had never seen before. So it was easy to fall into error as 
to their number, esjiecialh' when we consider that the natives 
of Guanahani had made him understand that the islands of 
their archipelago were far too numerous to be coimted. 




On many reproductions of this famous map this islet is omitted. 



32 



SANTA JMARIADE LA CONCKPCION, THE RU:M 
CAY OF TODAY. 

While Coluinlnis was still in the belief that "many isl- 
ands" were in ^ie^' he decided to start for the largest one. 
Having sailed from Giianahani in a southwestern direction, 
the island known today as Rum Cay Avas nearest and must 
have appeared as the largest, as in fact it surpasses that little 
island which today is called Conception, though it does not 
bear this name rightfully. 

"It seems probable," so Columbus writes in his journal 
under the date of October the l-tth, "that this island is distant 
five leagues from San Salvador." But in his notes of the fol- 
lowing daj^ he says: "I had lieen standing off and on during 
this night, as I feared to approach the island before morning, 
not knowing whether the coast was free from rocks or shallo^v 
places. I hoped to clew up at dawn, but as the island was over 
five leagues distant, rather seven, and as the tide detained 
me,*) it was about noon ^^•hen I reached the island." 

Now, it is necessary to state here that the exact length of 
the old Spanish league is not known to us but it is a matter of 
conjection. Some scholars, as for instance the Austrian Hy- 
drographer Gelcich, after careful investigations came to the 
conclusion, that the league was equal to 2.3 nautical miles. 
Scott believed that it was equal to 2.34, while Lieutenant Fox 
of the JJ. S. Navy computed it to be 3 nautical miles. Taking 
2.75 miles as an average of these various estimates, our belief, 
that the second island visited by Columbus, was Riim Cay, is 
well sustained as the distance from the Southwest point of 
Watling's Island to the nearest part of Rum Cay is 19 nautical 
miles or 7 leagues. 

Columbus gave to this island the name of Santa Maria de 
la Concepcion. 



*) This detainment was undoubtedly due to the Equatorial Current which 
comes from Africa, and presses along the coast of Cuba and between tlie Bahama 
islands. Its velocity is estimated to be between 18 to 30 miles per day. 




The Track of Columbus in the Bahama Archipelago. 



34 

In his journal he says ahout it: "I found that the side to- 
ward the island of San Salvador (Guanahani) runs from north 
to south and is five leagues in length. And the other side, which 
I followed, runs from east to west and measures more than 
ten leagues." 

While the directions of the coast-lines of Rum Cay cor- 
respond exactly with those noted hy Columhus, his estimate of 
the length of these coasts is excessive. It must be stated here, 
that the sailors of the 15th century measured all distances with- 
out the aid of optical instruments, bij the ei/c unly. For meas- 
uring time, they had no other means than the hoiu- -glass. Thus 
handicapped, errors were incAatable. INIurdock, a mariner him- 
self, in his monograph about the cruise of Columbus states that 
"experienced seamen differ widely in their estimates of the 
distance of land when they liaA'c nothing but their judgement 
to rely upon" (p. 480). Furthermore, it must be pointed out 
that Columbus's estimate in regard to the length of the east 
coast was a guess onlj^ as he did not follow this coast but the 
other one running from east to west. That he should have 
overestimated the length of the latter seems to be due to the 
fact that the vessels met with calm weather, as appears from 
the words "I clewed up the sails, for I had proceeded through- 
out the whole day until night without having been able to reach 
the western point of the island. About sunset I anchored near 
said western point." 



*^^^ 




85 



FERN ANDINA— THE LONG ISLAND OF TODAY. 

As the little fleet slowly proceeded along the northern 
coast of Santa INIaria de la Concepeion another island of large 
size came into view in the west. Setting his course toAvard it 
on the morning of October the 1.5th, Columbus states as fol- 
lows: "I left at alwut ten o'clock, with a southeast wind, in- 
clining to the south for the other island, a very large one . . . 
The distance from the island of Santa Maria to this other one 
is nine leagues in the direction from east to west. The entire 
coast line of the large island runs from northiaest toward south- 
east, and its length appears to be more than ttcenty-eight 
leagues. The island is like San Salvador and Santa Maria 
level and without mountains. The shores are free from reefs, 
except some sunken rocks which demand great care of the navi- 
gator when seeking an anchorage." 

As on their way from Santa Maria to this new island the 
vessels again met with calm weather ("y navegue toda equel 
dia con calmeria"), Columbus again overestimates the distance 
between the two islands, which is from the most western point 
of Santa Maria or Rum Cay to Long Island 19 nautical miles, 
while Columbus believed it to be 9 leagues or about 24 miles. 
That he himself deemed his estimate in need of revision, is 
shoAvn by a later notation under date of October 16th, where 
he says "this island lies at a distance from that of Santa INIaria 
of eight leag\ies from east to west." 

In honor of King Ferdinand of Spain Columbus baptized 
this island Fernandina. Among the natives is was known as 
Yuma. 

While describing this island Columbus gives some charac- 
teristic which apply only to the present Long Island and in 
no manner to any other part of the Bahamas. Not only is 
Long Island plainly visible from Santa jNIaria or Rum Cay, 
but the long chain of its Ioav ridges gird almost the whole west- 
ern horizon and leave no doubt as to its extensive size. Note 
what the Admiral states about this size. While seeing it from 



36 

Santa Maria he writes : "It seems to me that the side facing us 
is more than twenty-eight leagues in length." On the follow- 
ing day he says: The whole coast rims from north-north\vest 
toward the south-southeast. I saw about twenty leagues of it, 
without having been able to see the end." 

According to the "West Indies Pilot" Long Island has a 
length of 57 miles. Its position answers exactly that given by 
Columbus, viz. north-nortliAvest to south-southeast. The island 
is also very level and on its eastern coast free of reefs with the 
exception of a few rocks, which tallies Avith the statements of 
the discoverer. 

Under date of October 17th the journal of Columbus con- 
tains the following passage: "At noon (here is meant noon 
of October 16th) I left the place where I had anchored and 
taken in water, in order to sail around this island of Fernand- 
ina. The wind came from the south^vest and west. I intended to 
follow the coast toAvard the southeast, as this island runs from 
north-northwest to south-southeast. I desired to take this 
route because the Indians I have on board indicated by signs 
that in that direction I would find an island Avhich they call 
Samoet, where there is gold. INIartin Alonso Pinzon, however, 
the Captain of the caravel Pinta, to whom 1 had sent three of 
these Indians, came to me and said, that one of them had very 
positively given him to understand that I would roimd the 
island much the quickest by a north-nortliAvest course. As the 
wind A\'as not favorable for my intended course, but Mas to the 
other, I sailed to the north -north west. When I was near the 
end of the island, about two leagues off, I discovered a very 
remarkable port tcitJi an entrance, or rather it may be said that 
there are two entrances, because there is a rocky islet in the 
middle. Both entrances are very narrow, but within there would 
be ample room for one hundred ships, if the harbor would have 
sufficient depth of water and was clear, and had also an en- 
trance deep enough. I thought it worth tvhilc to investigate 
and to take soundings; and so anchored outside and tcent in 
xcith all the boats of the ships. I saw, however, that there was 
not enough depth of xvater." 



37 




Cape Santa Maria, the north ])oint 
of l''ernan(lina or Long Island. 
After a drawing from nature by R. Cronau. 

Now, where is this reiiiarkahle inlets This question again 
offei-ed many difficulties. Becher dismissed it ^vith scarcely a 
notice; Ir\'ing sought it on Great Exuma Island; Fox believed 
it identical with Clarence Harbor on Long Island. But this har- 
])or is not "near the end of the island, about two leagues off," 
f)ut about 43 miles southeast of the northern point. Besides it 
does not at all answer the description by Columbus. 

But there is just about 2 or 3 miles southeast from the 
most northern point of Long Island an inlet not indicated on 
modern sea maps. I passed it on the morning of November 
19th, 1890, on board the schooner "Richmond." But unfortu- 
nately there was a A'ery strong M'ind from the east, causing a 
heavy surf that would have made any attempt of landing very 
dangerous. As also the captain did not A\ish to lose time, an 
investigation of this inlet was impossible. But with the help 
of a telescope I made out an entrance divided into two chan- 
nels by a huge rock leaning over somewhat toward the north- 
Several members of the Negro crew of the "Richmond," all 
native Bahamites and well acquainted with the coast of Long- 
Island, asserted that at that point a small inlet exists. 

Further confirmation of this fact A\'as given to the writer 
by Reverend Chrysostom Schreiner, formerly connected with 
the St. Anselm's priory in the Bronx, New York City. Since 
1891 engaged in missionary work among the 600 Negroes that 
now are the inhabitants of Watling's Island, this priest, after 
reading mv book "Amerika," became deeply interested in the 



38 

voyages of Columbus. He not only explored Watling's Island, 
l)iit visited also se^'el•al other islands of the Bahama archipel- 
ago. In a letter, dated July 1«J, 1921, Reverend Schreiner 
says: "I am quite familiar witli your book "Amerika" and 
recognize you as the lirst to have pointed out Riding Rock as 
the landfall." Pie also informed the writer, that he explored 
the inlet near the northern pohit of I^ong Island, but found 
V that it has only six feet of ^\ater. 

Having mvestigatcd this inlet, Columbus continued to sail 
to the northwest until he had "all that part of the island as far 
as the point ^vhere the coast tiu'ns from the east to a western 
direction." Undoubtedly Columbus had reached that point of 
Long Island kno\vn today as Cape Santa Maria, where the 
coast turns sharp toA\'ard the Avest. But here the aborigines, 
Columbus had on board of his flagship, advised him that to 
reach the island Samoet it ^\'oidd be well to go back, as thus he 
would reach Samoet sooner. The journal, continuing, says: 
"The wind ceased, but after a while sprung up from west- 
northwest, which Avas contrary to our course. And so I turned 
and sailed all the night to the east-southeast and sometimes 
wholly east and sometimes to the southeast. This I did in or- 
der to keep off the land, for the atmosphere was very misty and 
the weather threatening. After midnight it rained very liard 
until abuost daybreak. It is still cloudy and threatening to 
rain. We are now at the southeast cape of the island, where 
I hoj)e to anchor until it gets clear, in order to see the other 
island where I intend to go." 

From this narrative it appears that during the night of 
October 17th to 18th the route of Columl)us lay from the most 
northern point of Fernandina to the most southern cape there- 
of, known today as Cape Verde. 



39 



THE ROCKY ISLET AND SAOMETTO. 

A short entry in the journal, dated Thursday, October 
18th, says: "After it had cleared up I followed the wind and 
went around the island as far as I could, and I anchored when 
it was no longer possible to sail. But I did not go on shore, 
and at da^\Tl I set sail again." 

The next note, dated Friday, October 19th, reads as fol- 
lows: "At dawn I had the anchors lifted; then I sent the 
caravel Pinta to the east and southeast; and the caravel Nina 
to the south-southeast; and I with the ship went to the south- 
east, having given orders that they should keep this course un- 
til midday, but that both caravels should then change their 
course and return to nie. Before we had gone three hours we 
saw an island in the east, to which m e directed our course, and 
all three vessels reached it before noon at its northern jyoint 
■where is a rockt/ islet, outside of rchicJt is a reef turning to the 
north. Another reef is between it and the large island ^\■hich 
the men of San Salvador, that I took with me, called Saometo, 
and to A\hich I gave the name of la Isabela. The wind came 
fj'om the north, and said islet lies from the island Fernandina, 
whence I had come from the west, in an easterly direction." 

It is easy to recognize in this rocky islet the so-called Bird 
Rock of today, situated at the north^^'est point of Crooked Isl- 
and. Only ten feet high, 600 to 700 steps long and 300 steps 
wide, it has been selected in modern days as the site for a 
lighthouse, whose flashes guide those vessels trading between 
points of the castcoast of North America and Cuba and Hayti. 
Corresponding closely to the description given jjy Columbus, 
a reef runs from Bird Rock to^vard the north, turning thence 
toward the east and girding the M'hole northern coast of Crook- 
ed Island. There are also some cliffs between Bird Rock and 
the main island. The "^Vest Indies Pilot" furnishes the fol- 
lowing statements about Bird Rock: "A dangerous reef ex- 
tends of N.W. 2 miles from the northwest point of Crooked 
Island; it then bends round gradually to the East and E.S.E. 



40 



and skirts the northern shore at a distance of about a mile. A 
small cay, called Bird Rock, about ten feet high, lies N.N.W. 
about a mile from the northwest point of Crooked Island, and 
close to the southward of it there is a narrow intricate opening 
in the reef, leading into a small well sheltered basin within, 
named Portland harbor, in which there are 3y2 to i fathoms 
of water." 



cabo delisleo^ 
(bird rock) 



(E 




'CABO HERM030 



Returning again to the journal of Columbus, an entry 
dated October 19th, reads as follows: "llie taest coast of Sao- 
meto extends about twelve leagues as far as a cape, toJiich I 
called Cabo Hcrmoso (Cape Beautifid), because it is so beau- 
tiful and round; and (the Avatcr) is verii deep and free from 
shoals at the outside. At first it is rockij and not of great 



41 

hight; farther in it becomes a sandi/ beach, like must of these 
coasts. It is here that I am tonight, Friday, anchoring until 
morning." 

"This coast and all thai part of the inland I saw form al- 
most one beach, and the island is the most enchanting thing I 
have seen. If the others were lovely, this is still more so. It 
has many trees, which are very green and large. The land is 
higher than that of the other islands, although it cannot be 
called mountainous; yet some gentle hills enhance with their 
contrast the beauty of the plains." 

Easy as it was to recognize in Bird Rock the "rocky 
islet," just so easy it is to recognize in the southern point of 
Fortune Island the Cabo Hermosa or Cape Beautiful. Pass- 
ing by very closely, aboard the Lighthouse schooner "Rich- 
mond," I found it corresponding exactly to the description by 
the Admiral. It is a rounded plateau of rocks, rising about 15 
to 20 feet above the water, which at the outside of the cape 
has a depth of 6 to 8 fathoms. Further in, on the east side of 
the cape, the rocks disappear and give place to a sandy beach. 

Equally faithful is the description Columbus gave of the 
island in general. By comparing its entire western coast with 
one grand beach, he characterizes the locality in the best possi- 
ble manner, since the shores of Crooked and Fortime Island 
form together indeed one enormous bay. Likewise the Ad- 
miral's remarks about the physical appearance of the island 
or rather of the two islands are appropriate, as Crooked Island 
possesses such elevations as Stopper Hill and the Blue Hills 
(200 feet), while Fortune Island has the Fortune Hill, all of 
which are conspicuous to the eye as they rise from perfectly 
level plains. 

One more sentence in the journal helps to identify the 
location. In closing his notes under date "Friday, October 
19th," Columbus says: "I believe that this Cabo Hermoso is 
an island separated from Saometo, and that there is even an- 
other small one midway betAveen ; but I do not care to examine 
everything in detail, because I covild not do it in fifty years." 



42 

A glance at our nuip teaches us that this supposition of 
Columbus was correct, as Saometo or the Crooked Island of 
today and Cabo Hernioso or Fortune Island are in fact separ- 
ated by the narrow channel, which is dotted with two or three 
very little islets, which, however, can be made out only by ap- 
proaching more closely. — 

According to the entry in his journal under date of Oc- 
tober 20th, Coluniljus intended to visit also the northeastern 
and eastern parts of Saometo. But the water was so shallow 
that he could make no progress. An attempt to go around 
the island in a southwestern direction failed also. He there- 
fore returned to the rocky islet (Bird Rock) and decided to 
sail for another very large island, of M'hich the Indians had 
told him and which thev called Colba or Cuba. 



/rflgl 



•'^ 




43 



FRO.AI SA0:MET0 to CUBA. 

From the descrii^tions the Indians gave of the size and 
riches of Cuba, Cohunbus inferred that this laro-e island niiiiht 
be identical with Cipango, the great mysterious island of East- 
ern Asia. Under the date of Wednesday, October 24th, he 
writes as follows: "At midnight I weighed anchor and left 
the island of Isabela and the cape of the rocky islet, which is 
on the northern side A\here I was lying, in order to go to the 
island of Cuba, A\'hicli I heard from these people is very large, 
having nmch trade, and that there is gold and spices, and large 
ships and merchants. And they told me that I should go to 
it by sailing in tvcst-southtvest direction. From everything 
Avhat the Indians of these islands and those whom I had on 
board indicated by signs — because I do not understand their 
language — I believe it is the island of Cipango, of which mar- 
vellous things are related. According to the globes and the 
maps of the world which I have seen it must be in this region, 
and thus I sailed until daybreak toward west-southwest. At 
da^Mi the wind calmed, and it rained, as it had done all night. 
With little wind I remained until after midday; then the wind 
began to blow very lovely, and I carried all the sails of the 
ship, the mainsail, two bomiets, the foresail and spritsail, and 
the boat astern; thus I continued my course until nightfall. 
Then Cape Verde which is on the sotdh of the island of Fer- 
nandina somewhat toward the west, was in northwesterly direc- 
tion from me, in a distance of seven leagues. Then the Avind 
was blowmg hard, and as I did not know how far off the island 
of Cuba was, and in order not to approach it at night, because 
all the water round these islands is so deep that no bottom can 
be found save at two lombard shots, I determined to lower 
all sails, excejit the foresail. Suddenly the wind grew 
very strong and I made much headway of which I was doubt- 
ful; besides, it was very misty and it rained. I had the fore- 
sail taken in and Ave did not go this night tAvo leagues." — 

Up to this point Bishop Las Casas has given us the log- 
book of Columbus verbatim and unabridged, except the en- 



4>4, 

tries about the astroiioinical observaticms Culiiiiil)us nmst have 
made. Beginning with the entry under date Tliur.sday, Oc- 
tober 25th, hoA\ever, Las Casas does not continue in this Aer- 
liatini reproduction of the journal, but hniits himself to a re- 
cital of subsequent events as narrated bj^ the discoverer. So he 
writes: "He afterwards sailed from sunrise until nine o'clock 
in ■wcst-soiitJncciitcrn direction, luaking about five leagues. 
Thereafter he changed his course to the west, going eight 
miles an hour until one o'clock in the afternoon, and thence 
until three o'clock in the afternoon, and they made about four- 
ty-four miles. At that time they saw seven or eight islands, all 
eo-'t ending from north to south, in a distance of five leagues." 

From the entry under date of Friday, October 26th, it ap- 
pears that Columbus anchored some distance south of those 
islands, M'hich he called Las Islas de Arena or Sand Islands 
on account of the shallow bottom they had. The Indians he 
had with him told the Admiral that to reach Cuba with their 
canoes from these islands A\'oidd take them a day and a half. 

According to the entry vmder date of Saturday, October 
27th, the vessels set sail again at sunrise and ran in a south- 
southwestern direction at the rate of eight miles an hour until 
one o'clock in the afternoon, making about forty miles. Up to 
nightfall they made about twenty-eight miles on the same 
course, and before night they saw land, Cuba. On Sundaj' 
morning October 28th Columbus entered the mouth of a very 
beautiful river, the banks of which ^vere covered with trees 
rich with flowers and fruits and ali^e Avith many birds M-hich 
sang very sweetly. There were many palms, different from 
those Columbus had seen in Spain and Guinea. In the distance 
lofty mountain chains were in view. Enchanted by this mag- 
nificent scenery, the Admiral called the river and the port in 
which his vessels anchored, San Sah'ador. 



45 



:a. 



O (7 tf9<*o«cea 



"CT 






!»2. 







<n>< 



i^C^c^^C^Q 



o 



Tropicus Cancrl 




Ipatiolft. 



A part of the map of Juan de la Cosa, the Pilot of Columbus. 

WHAT OLD iNIAPS AND JOURNAI.S PROVE. 

In the attempt to identify the true Guanahani, no ques- 
tion seems more natural than if this might be possible by con- 
sulting maps made by Columbus himself or by such persons 
who were his companions. That Columbus made charts of the 
track folloM'cd by his fleet and of his discoveries, must l)e ac- 
cepted as a matter of course. This is proved also by various ref- 
erences of his contemporaries. The Spanish historiographer 
Navarrete states that Queen Isabella, on September 5th, 1493, 
addressed a letter to the Admiral, asking him to send her the 
marine chart he had made*) and that Columbus complied with 
this request. We know also that when Alonso de Ojeda in 
May, 1499, set out for his voyage of discovery, he was provided 
with a copy of the track-chart sent home by Columbus. That 
copies of the same chart were also used by several other Span- 
ish explorers, is known from the testimonials in the famous law 
suit brought by the Fiscal Real against the heirs of the Ad- 



♦) "Forward us immediately the map wliich we asked you to send us before 
your departure complete and write thereon the names," was the request. "If 

VDU don't wish us to show the map to any one you should write so."— 



/ 



46 

iiiiral. Unfortunately, of maps drawn by Columbus with his 
own hand or under his supervision, nothing has come down to 
us. 

But there exists the famous map hi/ Juan de la Cosa, who 
Avas a companion of Columbus and master and part owner of 
the flagship "Santa Maria." He took jiart also in the second 
trip of Columbus. In INIay 1499, La Cosa also accompanied 
Alonso de Ojeda on his exploring expedition to Venezuela. 
Having returned in June 1500, he set out again in October 
of the same year A\ith Rodrigo de Bastidas. The intervening 
time between these two expeditions he spent in the hai'bor of 
Santa ]Maria. It was here that he made a map of the then 
known parts of the New World. Drawn on an ox-hide 5'9" 
long and 3'2" wide, it bears the legend: "Juan de la Cosa la 
liza en puerto de Sta. INIaria en ano de 1500." ("Juan de la 
Cosa made this in the harbor of Santa Maria in the year 
1500.") 

This chart, now preserved in the INIarine JNIuseum at JMa- 
drid, has been reproduced more or less accurately many times. 
In spite of some grave errors, as for instance the placing of 
the Tropic of Cancer south of Cuba and Espanola, it is of 
great value for the identification of Guanahani. The outlines 
of Cuba and Espanola are fairly correct. North of these tA\'o 
large islands we see a group of smaller ones, the nearest to 
Cuba bearing the name Someto. By its position as well as by 
its name we recognize it at once as the island Saometo, of which 
Columbus speaks in his journal under the dates of October 
19th and 20th. 

Another island close by, bearing the name Yumay, is un- 
doubtedly identical A\ith the present I^ong Island, or the Fer- 
nandina of Columbus, \\hich by the al)origines Mas called Yu- 
ma. East of Yuma we note an unnamed island, answering to 
the Santa Maria de la Concepcion of Columbus or Rum Cay of 
today. East of this another island bears the name Guanahani, 
answering to Watling's Island, situated, as indicated on La 
Cosa's map, north of Samana. 



47 

Thus while La Cosa's map is an important piece of evidence 
for the identification of Guanahani, the weight of evidence in- 
creases when we compare this map with charts and notes of 
later dates. 

An old description of the Spanish Colonies (rej)roduced 
in "Coleccion de documentos ineditos relativos al descuhri- 
miento," XV. p. 431) contains for instance the following sen- 
tence: "Guanami (Guanahani) /* an islet in the neighborhood 
of Guanimo. It is the first part of the Indies discovered hy 
Columbus and named by him San Salvador" It is easy to 
point out on the maps of the 16th and 17th century that Gu- 
animo is identical with the Cat Island of today. As neither 
Columbus nor La Cosa ever saw this island, it consequently 
does not appear on La Cosa's map. But we find it frequently 
on maps of later dates, as for instance on the so-called Turin 
map of 1523, on the map of Diego Ribero of the year 1529, on 
the map of Pierre Desceliers from 1546; on the majis of 
Thomas Hood, 1592, Antonio de Herrera, 1601, on the West 
Indian Paskaert of Antony Jacobsz, 1621, and many others, 
some of which are here reproduced. Where its name and that 
of Guanahani are given, the latter islet is always placed to the 
southeast of Guanimo. Its name appears on these maps in 
the variations Guanahani, Guanihani, Guanahanii, Guanaani 
and Guanihana. 

A point of greatest importance is that on all these later 
maps Guanimo as well as Guanahani are placed correctly 
NORTH of the Tropic of Cancer, with Guanahani nearest to 
that line. This fact eliminates the islands Samana, Mariguana 
and Grand Turk from competition, as all these islands are 
SOUTH of the Tropic of Cancer. 

There is still another important proof in fa^'or of the 
identity of Guanahani and Watling's Island. Herrera, the of- 
ficial historiographer of the Indies, who had access to all docu- 
ments in the Royal Archives, states that Ponce de Leon, when 
in 1513 he set out in search of Bimini, started from the port 
of San German in Porto Rico. 




4«; 



Map of Diego Ribero, 1529. 



Map in the Atlas of Batista 

Agnese. Second part of XVI 

century. 




Map in tlie Royal Library 
of Turin (about 1523). 



Map of Pierre Desceliers da 
Arques, 1546. 



Map of Antonio de Herrera, 
1601. 



Poitiipfuesian map in tlie Biblio- 
tlieka Riccardina, Florence. 




West Indian Paskaert of Anto- 
ny Jacobsz, 1C21. 



Map in the Cartas de Indias. 

Second part of the XVI 

century. 



so 



"After five days." so Herrera states, "they reached the isl- 
and El Viego, the position of which Antonio de Alaininos, the 
pilot of the expedition, gave as under 22° 30' northern latitude. 
The next day the fleet arrived at one of the Lucayos, called 
Caycos. On the eighth day the vessels anchored at another isl- 
and called Yaguna in 2-t°. Then they proceeded to the island 
iManegua in 24° 30'. At the eleventh day they reached Gu- 
anahani, which is in 25° iO\ This island Guanahani was the 
first discovered by Columbus on his first voyage and which he 
called San Salvador." 




Part of the map of Thomas Hood, 1592. showing- the location of Guanahani 
north of tlie Tropic of Cancer and southeast of Guanima. 



Alexander von Humboldt, Avho investigated these state- 
ments, found that Antonio de Alaminos, the pilot, placed in his 
astronomic calculations the positions of all these islands 
for about 1° 15' to 1° 30' too far north. If these errors are 
taken into account, we find that El Viego would be identical 
A\'ith Grand Turk, \A'hilc Caycos would be one of the Caicos 
Islands. Yaguna A\'ould be identical with IMarigiiana, Mane- 
gua with Samana, while the name Guanaliani remains for 



51 

Watling's Island, the tnie position of which is 24° 6' northern 
latitude.*) 

So the statements made by Herrera about the voyage of 
Ponce de I^eon point also toward the identity of Guanahani 
with Watling's Island. There can be no doubt that in 1.513, 
when Ponce de Leon started on his journey, the position of 
Guanahani was still well kno\\ii. The perplexing confusion in 
regard to proper names and location of the many islands set in 
much later, after the Spaniards had carried oft' all the aborig- 
ines and w^hen the islands had no longer any valuables left. Ut- 
terly neglected by the Spaniards, the Archipelago now became 
the hiding-place for numerous buccaneers who preyed on the 
silver fleets that brought the treasures of Mexico, Costa Rica, 
New Granada and Panama to Spain. These jiirates, mostly 
Englishmen, did not know the beautiful names the aborigines 
and the Spaniards had given to the dift'erent islands. After 
their oa\ii fashion they gave to many of the islands and cays 



*) The Bulletin of the Americnn Geographical Society, vol, XIA'., lfll.3, has on 
pages 721 to 735 an article by L. D. Scisco on the track of Ponce de Leon in 1513. 
The author quotes Herrera in the following words: "Juan Ponce de Leon finding , 
himself without office, determined to do something with which to gain honor and ' 
increase estate; and as he had news that lands were found to tlie northward he 
resolved to go to explore toward that part; for which he equipped three vessels, 
well supplied with provisions, people and seamen, which for the purpose of explor- 
ing are most necessary. He sailed from the island on Thursday, in the afternoon, 
on the 3rd of March, setting out from the harbor of San German. He went to 
Aguada in order to take his course from there. The night following he sailed to 
sea, to northwest a quarter by north, and the vessels proceeded eight leagues of a 
day's run until the sun rose. They went on sailing imtil on Tuesday, the 8th of 
the said month, they came to anchor at the lianks of Babueca at an island that 
they call El Viejo, which is in 22° 30'. Next day they anchored in an islet of 
the Lucayos called Caycos. Presently they anchored in another called La Yaguna 
in 24°. On the 11th of the same month they reached another island called Ama- 
guayo and there they were at stop for repairs . They passed on to the island 
called Managua which is in 24.° 3(r_ On the Utli reached Gu,anahani which is 25° 
40' where they prepared one vessel 'for crossing the weatherward gulf of this island 
of the Lucayos. This island Guanahani was the first that the Admiral Don Christol)al 
Colon discovered and where, in his first voyage he went on land and named it 
San Salvador." — 

Investigating the track Scisco says: "The term "ba,scos de Babueca" in the 
earlier vears was applied to the series of shoals extending from Grand Turk 
Island easterlv to Navidad Bank. In later years the term became restricted to 
the Mouchior "Carre Bank and finally became disused. El Viejo = Old Man, of 
Ponce de Leon's voyage, was Grand Turk, the only island on these lianks suitalile 



52 

those names which we read on the maps of today. Saometo, 
tlie Isabela ofCohimbus, received the less poetical name Crook- 
ed Island; Yuma or Fernandina became kno^^^l as Long Isl- 
and; Santa jNIaria de la Concepcion was called Rum Cay, a 
name suggesting that the buccaneers had here a depot of that 
intoxicating beverage. Guanima also changed its name and 
became known as the Cat Island; and Giianahani, the San 
Salvador of Coluiiiluis, was named after George Watling, a 
daring privateer who after a rough life settled down there. 

* * 

Our investigations as to the true location of Guanahani 
are hercAvith closed. The results are as follows: 

1. The descrij)tion of Guanahani, as given by Columbus and 
Las Casas, applij to Watling's Island, and to this island 
only. 

2. If the beach under Riding Rock Point on the west coast 
is accepted as the landfall of Columbus, and if from that 



for anchorage. Maps of later times now and then applied the name to one of the 
small islets lying sou,th from Grand Turk. In early maps the modern Caitos 
group is easily recognizalile liy its quadruplat of islands lying in chain. Which one 
of this group was the Caycos of Ponce de Leon it would be .somewliat rash to 
say hut the Riliero map and some others seem to attach the name more especially 
to the modern North Caicos. Tlie next islands reached by the explorers, La Yagu.na 
and Amaguayo, will be sought in vain in the more familiar Spanish maps of the 
time. These went out of use among Spaniards very early. The Silviati map, 
however, seems to identify tliem as Mariguana and Plana Cays respectively. I'he 
next island, Manegua, is easily traced. It is modern Samana. The island Guanajiani, 
made famous by Columbus, is identified with Watling's island by modern students of 
the Columbian voyages, and the evidence of early Spanish maps bears out the 
conclusion. The foregoing identifications show that Ponce de Leon skirted the 
eastern side of the Bahamas." 

In regard to Herrera's statements about the latitude of tlie different islands 
Scisco says: "In Herrera's text it will be noted that El Viego is given latitude 22° 
30' and Guanahani 25° 40'. The true latitudes of these islands are otherwise on 
modern charts, however. Tlie center of Grand Turk is at 21° 28' and tliat of Wat- 
ling's at 24° 2'. Seemingly the record of latitudes made by Ponce de Leon gave 
liim an excess reading of nliout one degree in latitude 21° 30' and an excess of 
about 1° 40' in latitiide 24°. .Assuming that this error increased toward the north 
in regular ratio it becomes possible to construct a tentative scale of corrected 
latitudes wherewith to check the ten statements of latitude that Ilerrera offers. By 
this scale Grand Turk assumes its true position at 21° 28'; Plana Cays take a 
tentative location of 22° 41'; as against tru,c latitude 22° 36'; Samana takes the 
tentative location of 23° .'5' wliich is also its true latitude; Watling's assumes its 
true position of 24° 2', and the Florida landfall takes tentative latitude 27° 40". 



63 

place we follow the track of the Admiral through the Bu- 
hainas to Cuba, the log-book of Columbus has no such con- 
tradictions or inexplicable passages as confronted all other 
scholars who tried to solve the Guanahani-Question. These 
difficulties Avere but natural, as it was impossible that the 
statements of the log-book could fit if the landing place 
was sought at a false spot. The dbsoluie conformity of the 
descriptions, as given by Columbus, with the still existing 
conditions and facts, proves that tlie Admiral in making 
the entries in his journal not only observed great care, but 
very often went into details. 

Close investigations of the map made by Juan de la Cosa 
and of other maps of the IGth and 17th century, together 
with the notes given by Herrera about the expedition of 
Ponce de Leon to Bimini also prove that GuanaJiani and 
Watling's Island are identical. 




THE UST RESTING PLACE OF COLUMBUS 



THE LAST RESTING PLACE OF COLUMBUS 




THE SANCTUARY OF THE CATHEDRAL AT SAXTO DOMINGO 

After a drawing- by Rudolf Cronau. 
The loeation of Cohmihus's V'aidt is indicated 1)V tlie beam of siinliulit. 




THE LAST RESTING PLACE OF COLUMBUS 



U the many mysteries that surround the hfe of 
Christopher Columbus and have perplexed his biog- 
raphers, a caprice of accident added during the for- 
mer century another one, the question: "Where are 
the remains of Columhus? 

"WTiile not less than sixteen Italian toA\7is have claimed the 
honor of being the birthplace of the great discoverer, the mag- 
nificent cathedrals of two widely separated cities strenuously 
claimed to possess his ashes. The discussion of this question 
had not only resulted in hot disputes, but at times became an 
international affair. Determined to investigate this burning 
question, and, if possible, to remove it from the domain of 
doubt, I went in December of 1890 to Santo Domingo. 



It was on the 20th day of INIay, 1506, that Columbus, the 
discoverer of a New World, passed away- His death occurred 
at Valladolid in Spain. A few days before his departure Co- 
lumbus had expressed the desire to be buried in Espanola, the 
island he loved most. Before this wish could be fulfilled many 
years passed by. Santo Domingo, the capital of Espanola, had 
no place where the precious ashes could be deposited safely. 
The cathedral, planned for that citjs had not yet been begun 
and it was not finished till loiO. 

So the body of the great discoverer was interred in the 
Church of St. Francis in Valladolid. Later on, in 1509 or 
1513, it was removed to the Carthusian JNIonastery of Las Cue- 
vas near Seville. 

When Diego, the son of Columbus, died, in 1526, the re- 
mains were also deposited there, to be transferred later, to- 
gether with those of his father, to Santo Domingo, as Emperor 
Charles V had granted permission that the great chapel of the 
cathedral be used for the sepulchre of the Columbus family. 



60 

iRoyal provisions relating io the renioA-al of the bodies to Santo 
Domingo, bearing dates of June 2, 1537, August 22, 1539, and 
November 5, 1540, are still existmg. 

At what time the removal of the remains of the great Ad- 
miral and his son took plaee, we do not know. As the cathe- 
dral at Santo Domingo was conseci-ated in 1541 it may be that 
the transfer occurred in the same year or a little later. As in 
the meantime the corpses as well as the original coffins, that 
were perhaps of ^\■ood, may have been decayed, it was most 
probably then that the remaining bones were collected in two 
small leaden caskets, which after their arri^•al in Santo Domin- 
go were deposited in the cathedral. Evidence that this re- 
moval had been accomplished before the year 1549, we have in 
a statement of the first Archbishop of Santo Domingo, who in 
that year wrote: "The tomb of Don Cristobal Colon, which 
contains his bones, is much venerated in this cathedral." In 
later documents we hear that when in 1055 the English at- 
tacked the city, the Archbishop Francisco Pio, to prevent the 
profanation of the tomlxs, ordered that they should be co\ered 
with earth and that every sign that might betray their location 
should be obliterated, "especially at the tomb of the old Ad- 
miral, which is on the gospel side i)f my church and chajjel." 

Again, a small printed volume, entitled: "Synodo Dio- 
cesana del Arzobispano de Santo Domingo," printed in 1683, 
states: "The bones of C. Colon are there in a leaden case in 
the Presbytery, beside the wall of the High Altar, together 
with those of Don I^uis, which are on the opposite side, accord- 
ing to the traditions of the oldest inhabitants of the island." 
This last sentence indicates un(loul)tedly that since the attack 
of the English hi 1655, the site of the Admiral's resting plaee 
had no mark A\hatever and ^\■as known onlij hi/ tradition. 

This fact is proved also l)y the following statement of the 
famous French historian Moreau de St. Mery, who in 1783, 
and again in 1787, visited the city and endeavoretl in vain to 
determine the exact location of Columbus's tomb. Finding 
that it was a matter of absolute doubt and uncertainty, he ex- 
pressed his disappointment in those eloquent words: "What a 



61 

subject for the reflection of the philosopher! Scarcely are three 
hundred years ])a.st since the discovery of tlie New World and 
already we hardly know what has become of the precious re- 
mains of the sagacious, enterprising and intrepid discoverer. 
We see hini expressing an anxious solicitude that his ashes may 
repose in the capital of the immense island which first establish- 
ed the ti'uth of the existence of a western hemisphere ; they are 
transported hither postei'ior to the construction of the principal 
edifice, the cathedral, and yet — O supine indifference for all 
that is truly noble! — not a mausoleum, not a monument, not 
even an inscription to tell where \hey lie!" — 




62 



WHOSE REMAINS WERE THEY? 

A few years after the French liistorian's visit Spain was 
compelled by the Treaty of Basle to cede the island of Espa- 
fiola to France. The treaty, concluded in 1795, provided that 
Spain might remove from Santo Domingo such property as 
she might desire. The Duke of A'^eragiias, a descendent of the 
Columbus family, now remembered that the ashes of his great 
ancestor were still in. Santo Domingo. Arguing that it Avould 
be miAvorthy of Spain that the bones of its greatest Admiral 
should rest under a foreign flag, he requested the removal of 
the remains to the cathedral at Havana. As he offered to bear 
all expenses of such transference, the Spanish Lieutenant- 
Gcneral of the Royal Armada, Gabriel de Aristizabal was 
commissioned to receive the remains. 

As has been described extensively by "Washington Ir\ing 
in Apx>endix No. 1 to his book on Columbus, the Spanish Lieu- 
tenant-General appeai-ed on December 20th, 1795, in the Ca- 
thedral Avith a group of distinguished Spaniards, among them 
the Archbishop, to exhume the remains of Columbus. But as 
there Avere no exterior signs at Avhat place his tomb was situat- 
ed, they Avere guided A\holly i»// the tradition, that the Admiral 
teas interred at the right side of the Altar. There a small 
vault AA'as found. The official document,Avritten on the same 
day by Hidalgo, the secretary of the proceedings, states as 
f olloAvs : 

"On December 20th, 1795, a vaidt Avas opened, located in 
the sanctuary on the right or gospel side, near the main Avail 
and in the platform before the high altar. The capacity of 
the vault a\ as about one cubic yard. Therein Avere found some 
thin sheets of lead about eleven inches long, Avhich had evident- 
ly been parts of a box or case of that metal; also some bones of 
legs and arms and various other parts of some deceased person. 
These Avere collected in a large tray together Avith all the dust, 
Avhich, from the fragments of some small bones and its color 



G3 

Mere recognized as the remains of the same corpse. The whole 
was placed in a gilded leaden coffin, with an iron lock; this 
was locked, and the key was delivered to the most illustrious 
Archbishop." 

After a solemn High iMass had been performed, these re- 
mains were borne with military honors to Havana and depos- 
ited in a niche prepared in the wall of the presbytery of the 
cathedral. Later this niche Avas closed with a slab of marble, 
showing an entirely imaginary portrait of Columbus, and be- 
neath the inscription in Spanish: 

"O remains and image of the great Columbus, for a 

thousand ages rest secured in this urn, and in 

the remembrance of our nation." 




64 



AN IMPORTANT FIND. THAT CAUSED HOT 

DISPUTES. 

Eighty-one years passed by. Then the conviction that the 
remains of Cohinil)us were at rest in Ha\'ana, was suddenly 
shaken. When in 1877 the Cathedral at Santo Domingo sadly 
needed repair, the Apostolic Delegate to Santo Domingo, 
Haiti and A'^enezucla, l?ishop Rocco Cocchia, who later became 
Archbishop of Chieti, Italy, took special interest in the work 
of restoration. So did Rev. Francis Xa^ier Rillini, the Vicar 
of the Cathedral. Both the priests were Italians. These two 
employed Senor Jose jMaria Castilla, a Spanish civil engineer 
from Cuba, as director of the actual Avork, M'hich was begun in 




ALTAR 




GOSPEL SIDE 



EP15TELSIDE 



n 



m 



Original Plan of the Sanctuary. 
I. Vault, discovered Sept. 10, 1877, supposed to have contained the 
remains of Cliristopher Columbus. 
II. Vault, emptied on Dec. 26, 179.5. supposed to have contained the re- 
mains of Diego Colon. 
III. Vault, of Don Luis Colon, discovered ^lay M. 1877. 

April 1877. During the jirocess of restoi'ation the workmen 
discovered on May 14th on the left or Epistle side of the Sanc- 
tuary a small vavdt, containing the fragments of a leaden case 
together with human bones. An inscription on the lid of the 
case was deciphered as follows: 

El Almiraiifc Don huh Colon, Duquc clc Faragiuts a^ 
II Marques dc . . . ." 



65 

the last word illegible froin erosion. This find was the first 
indication that Don Luis Colon, the grandson of Christopher 
Columbus, born 1520 in Santo Domingo and died 1572 in 
Oran, had been buried in the cathedral also. 

On this discoA^ery the authorities of the church were in- 
vited to extend their investigations over the whole ground of 
the sanctuary, in order to see if other distinguished persons 
might have been buried there. But as the Bishop Rocco Coc- 
chia was absent in the mterior of the island, the matter was 
delayed till his return. Then the work of investigation was 
taken up again. On September 9th at the right or presbytery 
side the vault was found which in 1795 had been emptied by 
the Spaniards. On the day following, Monday, September 
10th, in the presence of Vicar Billini and the engineer Castilla, 
the \\'orkingmen sounded the space betA\een that empty vault 
and the wall of the cathedral. The result was the discovery of 
a somewhat larger vault, separated from the empty vault by 
a six-inch wall and covered by a large rough stone slab. After 
breaking away a piece of that slab an object like a box could 
be seen in the vault. 

At this stage Bishop Rocco Cocchia was notified at once, 
also the Spanish consul Jose INJanuel Echeverri and the Italian 
consul Luigi Cambiaso. All reached the Cathedral at the same 
time. The vault was at that time only partially opened. The 
bishop ordered the aperture "widened, so that a better inspec- 
tion of the vault and its contents might be obtained. By intro- 
ducing his arm into the opening, he discoA'ered that the ()l)jcct 
in the vault was a leaden case, the upper side of which \\as in- 
crusted with lime. After breaking ofi' a part of this crust, the 
bishop noticed an inscription and M'as able to read the letters 
Per Ate, which all persons around the vault with 
one voice intei'preted as "Primero Almirante," "the first 
Admiral." As only Columbus had held this title, the letters 
were regarded as a strong indication that the leaden case might 
contain his remains. Not allowing anyone to go further Avith 
the work, the bishop ordered that all shoidd leave the cathedral, 
the doors of which ^vere closed and locked. On request the gov- 
ernment at once sent a numl)er of sentinels, who surrounded 



6G 

the cathedral. In the meantime the Bishop by special letters 
invited the President and the CaJjinet of the Dominican Re- 
public, as well as the principal ecclesiastical, civil and military 
authorities and furthermore all foreign consuls, to be j)resent 
at four and a half o'clock that same afternoon, A\'hen the vault 
and its contents Avould be publicly and carefully examined. 

In the presence of this high assemblage the stone slab was 
removed, the box taken out and carefully investigated. As it 
had rested in the absolutely dry vault upon two bricks, it 
proved to be in a state of fair preservation, but dull in color 
and covered by a coating of oxide, the unmistakable indica- 
tions of old age. The closed box was 21 centimeters or 9 
inches high, 42 cm. or 10% inches long and 21 cm. or 9 inches 
wide. Its hinged and overlapping cover had on its top the 
abbreviations : 

D. de la A. per. Ate. 

which has been interpreted to mean "Descubridor de la Ame- 
rica. Primer Almirante" that is "Discoverer of America, first 
Admiral." Further investigations disclosed, that on the left 
side, and also on the front side of the box the letter C was 
rudely engraved, while on the right side the letter A was found. 





Letters engraved on the sides of the coffin. Exact size. 



These letters are believed as standing for the initials of the 
words : 

"Cristoval Colon, Almirante." 

After lifting the hinged cover another abbreviated inscrip- 
tion, in German Gothic letters, was discovered on the inside 
of the lid: 



67 

I litre y Esdo Varon 
Dn. Criztoval Colon 
This inscription has heen interpreted as: 

"Illustre y Esclarecido Varon Don Cristoval Colon." 
"Illustrious and famous Baron Christopher Columbus." 
An examination of the contents of the box revealed human re- 
mains, A\ith the exception of a few parts reduced to dust. 
Among this dust and mold two small iron screws and a bullet 
of lead were found. An explanation of their being there no^ 
one was able to give at that time. 

At the end of these investigations a public declaration 
was made, in the presence of all the foreign consuls, that the 
real resting place of the Admiral's body had been found and 
positively identified. The Spanish Consul, Senor Jose M. de 
Kcheverri,who was present, found no reason for suspecting the 
good faith of the examination, nor the genuineness of the grave 
and remains. On the contrary, he manifested his belief in that 
which he had seen by at once raising the claim in the name of 
his government for the delivery of the remains of the Admiral, 
which in 1795, as now was evident, were not transfei'red to 
Cuba as intended. 

The news of the discovery, reported by the different con- 
suls to their governments and made kno^vn by Bishop Rocco 
Cocchia in a pastoral letter ("Descubrimiento de las verdade- 
ros restos de Cristobal Colon : Carte pastoral, Santo Domingo, 
1877.") spread rapidly and caused everywhere the greatest in- 
terest. But what was regarded as glad tidings by all inhab- 
itants of the Dominican Republic, was received with deep anger 
and indignation by the ecclesiastic authorities of the Cathedral 
of Havana and the Spanish government. Finding that their 
claim to the true relics of Columbus was endangered, they at 
once accused the Bishop Cocchia and the other dignitaries of 
the Cathedral at Santo Domingo of being the authors of a 
bold fraud, charging them A\ith having manufactured the 
leaden box, filling it with bones, scratching the inscriptions 
thereon, digging the vault and preparing a dramatic resurrec- 
tion tableau, at ^\•hich the foreign consuls assisted either as 
dupes or as conscious principals in the deception. 



68 

To uncover this trickery, consul Echeverri was ordered, in 
January 1878, to i)rocurc and forward to Spain the following 
items of information: 

First. A legalized copy of the act of examination of the 
human remains. 

Second. Pliotographic rej)roductions of the leaden coffin, 
of its four sides and of the cover. 

Third. A certificate from the scientific faculty, giving the 
state of preservation in which the said coffin Avas 
found. 

Fourth. A detailed and sufficient report, showing, if at any 
time the pavement of the Cathedral at Santo Do- 
mingo had been removed. 

In compliance with this order. Consul Echeverri requested 
a second investigation of the portentous case and its contents. 
This investigation Avas made on January 2d, 1878, by the 
Senores Don Pedro ]M. I'ineyro, Don jNIariano Socarrez and 
Don INIanual Duran, Doctors of Medicine and Surgery. Dur- 
ing the process of this most thorough examination the above 
named gentlemen, on remoA^ing the dust of the bones, Avhich 
lay in the box, found at the bottom of the case a small plate of 
silver of quadrangular form, eighty-seA^en millimeters long and 
thirty-tAvo millimeters A\'ide. This plate had two circular holes, 
Avhich coincided Avith tAvo others Avhich Avere to be seen in the 
back of the leaden box. Xow an explanation for the existence 
of the two little screA\s, A\hich had been found among the mold 
during the first examination, AA-as easy. Fitting exactly to all 
the holes, these scrcAvs indicated that the little sih^r plate had 
originally been affixed inside of the case, but had become 
loosened therefrom in time and slipped among the human dust. 

This little silver plate contains on each side inscriptions, 
A\hich are reproduced here in full size. The shorter one has 
been interpreted as "ITrna Cristoval Colon," Avhile the longer 
one, the most significant and important of all inscriptions, has 
been interpreted to mean: "Ultima parte de los restos del pri- 
mer Alnurante, Don Cristoval Colon, Desculiridor." "T^ast 



69 

parts of the remains of the first Admiral, Don Christopher Co- 
linnbus, the Discoverer." 

In spite of this additional evidence the Spanish Govern- 
ment, however, made great efforts to uphold the claim of the 
Cathedral at Havana as the depository of the remains of Co- 
lumbus, and Seiior Antonio Lopez Prieto, a historian living in 
Havana, was commissioned to pen in defense of these relics an 
elaliorate report, that appeared under the title: "Los restos de 
Colon, Kxamen historico-critico" (Havana 1879). Addressed 
to the Captain-General of Cuba, it resorts to able and astute 
ingenuity to prove the remains, transferred to Havana in 1795, 
to have been the genuine remains of the Admiral. Senor INIan- 
ual Colmeiro supplemented these arguments with a report to 
the Royal Academy of History of ^Madrid, which later on Avas 
presented to the King and published by the Government. Not 
yet satisfied, the Spanish Government indicated her resolution 
to insist on her claims, by recalling in disgrace her representa- 
tive in Santo Domingo, Don Jose ^Manuel de Lcheverri, Mho 
had been present at the investigation of the tomb at Santo Do- 
mingo and had reported favorably about the discovery. 

Of course the many direct and indirect attacks on the 
veracity and good faith of Bishop Rocco Cocchia, representing 
him as an audacious impostor, were rejected with great heat. 
Firndy maintaining that a mistake had been made in 1795 by 
Aristizabal, the bishop insisted that only those remains newly 
discovered were the true relics of Christopher Columbus. The 
result was a hot contro^^ersy which lasted for years and pro- 
duced a flood of pamphlets and bulletins, in \\'hich each side 
tried its best to hold its claims aloft. 

The most notable of these tracts are the following: Rocco 
Cocchia, "I^os restos de Colon" (Santo Domingo, 1879) ; Emi- 
liano Tejera, "Los restos de Colon en Santo Domingo" (San- 
to Domingo, 1878) ; "l>os dos restos de Cristobal Colon exhu- 
mados de la Catedral de Santo Domingo en 1795 i 1877" (San- 
to Domingo, 1879) ; Lopez Prieto, "Los restos de Colon, exa- 
men historico critico" (Havana, 1879) ; "Informe sobre los 
restos de Colon." (Havana, 1879) ; Maviiel Colmeiro, "I>os 



70 



restos de Colon: inforinc de la Real Acadenvia de la Historia 
o Madrid" (Madrid, 1879) ; J. de Armas, "'Las cenizas de 
Cristobal Colon: suplantades en la catedral de Santo Domin- 
go" (Caracas, 1881) ; Tnivcrs Tzviss, "Christopher Coluni])us, 
a monograph of his true ])in-ial place" (London, 1879) ; Juan 
Asensio, "Los i-estos de Cristoval Colon: estan en la Ha])ana" 
(Sevilla, 1881) ; Jnsc Manuel de Eccheverri, "Do existen de- 
])ositas las cenizas de Cristobal Colon?" (Santandcr, 1878) ; 
Henry Harrisse, "Los restos de Don Cristoval Colon" (Se- 
villa, 1878) ; "Les sepultures de Christoi^he Colomb" (Paris, 
1879) ; Tommaso Belgrano, "Sulla recense delle casa di Co- 
lombo" (Genua, 1878), To these publications Roceo Coechia, 
\\ho in the meantime had been made Archbishop of Chieti, 
Italy, added in 1892 another book, bearing the title "Cristoforo 
Colombo e le sue ceneri." Printed in Chieti, it is perhaps the 
most exhaustive and important of all the publications, as here 
the principal witness in this question gives a full statement of 
his case. 

Besides these publications tliere appeared numerous arti- 
cles in magazines, ne^Aspapers and scientific periodicals. 




71 



THE AUTHOR'S INVESTIGATION IN JANUARY 

1891. 

Such was the situation, when in December 1890 I arrived 
in the city of Santo Domingo. 

Being the bearer of high credentials from the German 
Government, I found, when I expressed my desire to invest- 
igate the much disputed remains of Cohimbus, a smooth way. 
The ecclesiastical authorities, as well as the national and mun- 
icipal government of Santo Domingo, consented gladly that a 
foreign and therefore absoluteh'^ disinterested scholar, whose 
only goal was to find the truth, might have an opportunity to 
judge their case. Since the discover j' of the remains and the 
second investigation on January 2, 1878, no other investiga- 
tion had taken jilace nor had been j)crmitted. To prevent any 
undueness, the remains, together with the leaden casket, had 
been jilaced in a glass case, sealed up and deposited in a cell 
behind the first side chapel at the left of the great altar. Ut- 
most care had also been taken to guard the precious relics. The 
doors leading into the cell were locked with three different 
keys, one of which was kept by the archbishop, while the other 
two were deposited with the municipal and national author- 
ities. Strict regulations required that the room should be 
opened only in the presence of one official connected with the 
chiux'h and two delegates of the municipal and national gov- 
ernment. Permission to view the remains was granted very 
rarely, and a record was kept of all visitors. It was on the 
morning of Sunday, January 11, 1891, ^hen the ecclesiastical 
authorities, the Secretary of the Interior and several other of- 
ficers of the national and municipal government assembled in 
the cathedral to be witnesses of my investigations. There were 
also all the consuls of those foreign governments having repre- 
sentatives in Santo Domingo. Besides, several prominent citi- 
zens were present, among them Emiliano Tejera, the author of 
the tract "Los restos de Colon." 



72 

After the door to the cell in which the precious relics were 
kept, had been opened, I perceived in the centre of the room 
a rather large chest, containing the disputed coffin. Like the 
door this chest also was opened by several different keys. And 
now the leaden casket became visible. I found it enclosed in 
an octagonal case of glass, the slabs of which were held to- 
gether by strong strips of satin-'\\ood. The case was ornament- 
ed with silver handles. This glass-case was in its turn secured 
with three different locks, to be opened by means of several 
keys. For further protection against being opened, a broad 
white satin ribbon had in 1878 been wound several times 
around the glass-case, and sealed with the official seals of the 
Government and the Church, as well as of all the Consulates 
of Spain, Italy, Germany, England, France, Holland and the 
United States. 

In the presence of the witnesses enumerated above, the 
glass-case and its contents were now lifted out and placed on 
a brocade-covered table, in the side nave of the church, where 
there was full daylight and everyone had a chance to folloAV 
the proceedings. Beginning my investigations, I ol)served 
that the lead coffin was open; its lid having been turned back 
and fastened to the cover of the glass-case, so that the human 
remains lying inside were plainly visible. A number of verte- 
brae of the neck and back, and parts of the arm and leg bones 
proved well preserved. A small vessel of glass contained the 
dust, which had been collected at the bottom of the coffin. Fur- 
thermore, one could see the little silver plate covered with in- 
scriptions, also the round bullet, the latter placed outside of 
the leaden coffin. 

Upon the request of the Secretary of the Interior, all the 
consuls of the foreign governments inspected the different seals 
placed upon the silk ribbon M'ound about the glass-case. After 
having found all seals intact, they were broken, the ribbon 
loosened, the glass-case opened bj'^ means of three keys, and 
the lead coffin lifted out. Now the examination could be car- 
ried on in the most careful ;vay. I found the coffin itself dull 
gray in color and very much oxidized; some jiarts were dented, 



73 




The coffin of Christoplur Columbus. 
After the drawing made by R. Cronau on January 11, 1891, 
in the Cathedral of Santo Domingo. 

as if sunk in by its own weight. In other respects it was fairly 
well preserved. A few fragments of lead which had broken off 
in time I found carefully wrapped in a piece of paper. The 
impression I gained from the appearance of the casket was 
that of old age. It reminded me strongly of similar coffuis I 
had seen in vaults in Germany, Austria and other countries. 




74 




THE INSCRIPTIONS ON THE CASKET. 

As the question of the authenticity of the remains rests 
chiefly on the integrity of the inscriptions found on the casket 
and on the little silver plate, and as the Spanish authorities had 
made their attacks mainly on the ground that the character of 
these inscriptions would not show them to he contempoi'aneous 
Avith the time of the removal of the remains from Spain to Es- 
j)anola, hut "quite modern and therefore unmistakable proof 
of imposture," it seemed to me most important to obtain ab- 
solutely correct copies of these inscriptions. 

This was most essential, as numerous writers had formed 
their opinions not on the original inscriptions but on very in- 
exact copies, inserted in some of those books that had been pub- 
lished about the remains of Columbus. Having these prints 
at hand, and comparing them with the original inscriptions, I 
found them difl'ering very much from the originals and quite 
modernized in character. Therefore I made with most scrup- 
ulous care those copies, reproductions of which for the first 
time were pviblished in mj^ book "Amerika, die Geschichte sei- 
ner Entdeckung," vol. I, p. 333 , and which are presented with 
this essay. 



75 



Be<4inning with the inscription on tlie h'd of the coffin, the 
(jiicstion now arises: do tlic letters of this inscription resem- 
ble the letters in autographs of the fh-st half of the sixteenth 
century, the time when the casket and its inscriptions are sup- 
posed to have been made? By reproducing here a number of 












Spanish autographs of the Kith centuv}'. 
Francisco Pizarro. Luys Hernandez de Biedina. 

Francisco Vasquez de Coronado. Juan Ponce de Leon. 

Antonio de Mendoza. Hernando Cortes. 

Hernando de Soto. 



7G 

luitographs of famous Spaniards, who lived during the first 
lialf of the sixteenth century, I enable the reader to judge this 
question for himself. It ^vill be easy for him to point out every 
single letter of the casket's inscriptions also in these auto- 
graphs. I wish to call attention especially to the peculiar shape 
the letter r has in the inscription upon the top of the casket. 
It resembles a modern x. We find the same character standing 
for the letter r in the autographs of Francisco Pizarro and 
Hernandez de Biedma. It appears also in autographs of Her- 
nando Cortes, King Ferdinand and many other prominent 
Spaniards of the 16th century. 

As has been noticed before, the inscription upon the lower 
side of the lid is in German Gothic letters. Spanish authorities 
claimed that during the first half of the sixteenth century in 
Spain no Gothic but only Roman letters had been in use and 
that therefore these German Gothic letters be regarded as an- 
other proof of fraud. This assertion is absolutely false. As 
is generally known, the art of printing with movable tyi^es was 
invented by Johannes Gutenberg at IMayence in Germany. 
From that city it Avas carried by German j)rinters to almost all 
other jDarts of Europe. As Conrad Schweinsheim (Sweyn- 
heym) and Arnold Pannarts in 1407 introduced printing in 
Italy , so it M'as brought l)y Cierman printers to Spain. ^Nlany 
volumes of the last quarter ol' the 1.5th and the first half of the 
16th centuries, now preserved in the library of the "Hispanic 
Society of America" at jVew York, prove by their printer's 
marks, that Peter Braun and Nicholas Spindler ("I'etro Bru- 
no a Nicholas Spindeler Germanice natois") ran in 1478 a 
printing office in Barcelona. The book-marks "Frederieu lia- 
siliensem Germanice nationis" and "Henrico aleman" disclose 
that Friedrich von Basel and Ileinrich der Deutsche at the 
same time have published books in Biu'gos. The names "Pau- 
lus de Colonia Alemanus" (Paulus of Cologne), "Johanes 
pegniczer de Nureberga" (Johannes Pegnitzer from Nurn- 
berg), INIagnus and Thomas Alemanos, and ^Nleinai'dus Ungiit 
are to be found frequently in books printed at the end of the 
15th centurj^ in Seville. At the lieginning of the 16th century 
Ave find in Zaragoza Georg Koch ("Georgius Coci theuto- 



78 








nic") ; Paul Hurus from Constanz ("Pauli hums, Costan- 
ciens. Gernianice iiacionis" ) ; Leonard Huetz ("Leonardu 
hutz") ; Wolf Aiipenteg'ger ("Lupuni appetegger Germanice 
nationis") and Johann Giesser ("Joanne gysser alemanu de 
Silgenstat" ) . Toledo had become the home in 1500 of Peter 
Hagenbach ("Pedro Hagenbach") ; in A^alencia pointing of- 
fices were run liy Christopher Kaufman ("Cristobal Cofman) 
and Johann Rosenbach "Alamany". Almost all the volumes, 
produced by these men are in German Gothic types. It may 
be mentioned here that also se^'eral editions of the famous let- 
ter, in which Columbus in 1493, after his return from his first 
voyage, announced his discoveries, are printed in Gothic types. 
The very first one, most probably printed in Barcelona, may 
have been printed by Peter Braun or Nicholas Si)indeler. 

While during the IGth century the use of Roman tj^pes 
became more and more preponderant in Sj^ain, Gothic types 
nevertheless remained in use. Just as to-day they were fre- 
quently used in composing the title pages of books, as for in- 
stance of Oviedo's "Natural Ilistoria de las Indias," printed 
in 1526 at Toledo; or of "Coronica del muy esforcado y inven- 
cible cavallero el Cid," printed in the same year at the same 
place. Volumes published in Spain during the 16th century 
and set throughout in Gothic types are the "Cronica d'Ara- 
gon" (Valencia, 152-i), the "Cronica del Rey Don Rodrigo" 
(Seville, 1520) and others. Editions of the Cid, and of the 
works of Juan Boscan and Garcilasso de la Vega, jirinted at 
Medina del Campo in 1544 and at Granada in 1501, have also 
title-pages in Gothic types. Copies of these books are preserv- 
ed in the ^Museum of the "Hispanic Society of America." 



The strongest point in the objections of the Spanish his- 
ns against the authenticity of the remains in Santo Do- 
is that the lettering "D. de la A." upon the top of the 
plies a use of the word "America." They argue that in 
lo4U, the time when the remains of Columbus are supposed to 
have been transferred to Santo Domingo, this term was not 
recognized in Spain, the term "the Indias" being universally 
used. 



79 



Now, it is an open question, if the above letters were really 
intended to express the words "Descubridor de la America." 
J. C. Brevoort m his essay "Where are the remains of Colum- 
bus?" (]Magazine of American History, vol. II, 1878, p. 161) 
says: "The Diario de la INIarina suggests that the letters "D. 
de la A." max signifj^ "Descubridor de la America," although 
the name had not been given to this continent. It is probable 
that they signify " Dignidad de la Almirantazgo," connected 
as they were with the next words of "Primer Almirante." This 
title was prized Ijy Columl)us most highly, and the last words 
\voidd at the time have been vmmeaning without the letters pre- 
ceding it." 

While quoting this explanation, I wish to state, however, 
that the name "America," first proposed in 1507 by the Ger- 
man cosmographcr Waldsecmiiller in his "Cosmogi'aphia? In- 
troductio," and first placed on his map of the world, had been 
accepted during the first quarter of the 16th century by wiany 
European scholars. Schoener inscribed it in 1515 on a globe 
he had made. Joachim Watt, or Vadianus, used the name 
America in the same year also. Stobnicza in Cracovia did the 
same in 1519 in his "Introductio in Ptolemei Cosmographia." 
Apianus inscribed it in 1520 on his "Mappa Mondo." So did 
Ijaurentius Frisius in an edition of "Ptolemy Cosmographia" 
of 1522; also JNIercator in 1511. Phrysius in his work "De prin- 
cipiis astronomic^," published in 1530 at Antwerp, devoted a 
whole chapter to "America." We find the name also in Miin- 
ster's "Novus Orbis" of 1532, and in Honter's "Rudimentorum 
cosmographije libri" of 153-1. As there was a constant inter- 
change of thoughts and observations among the cosmographers 
of Germany, Holland, France, Spain, Portugal and Italy, 
and as especially the editions of Ptolemj^ found distribut 
over all Europe, vce must assume that the name "Ame 
was in 1541 knoAvn and used by Spanish scholars and v 
also. Indeed, the "Primera Parte de las Diferencias de 
que ay en el Universo" of Alexio A^anegas de Busto, printed at 
Toledo in 1546, designate the new parts as "America." 



^^% 





80 



THE LITTLE SILVER PLATE. 

Of especial hiterest to nie was the little silver plate found, 
like the two small screws, among the mold at the bottom of the 
coffin. These screws correspond exactly with the two holes in 
the plate as well as in the back wall of the coffin. There can 
be no doubt that the little plate was originally fastened on the 
inside of the coffin. But in thne the oxidizing of the lead caus- 
ed the screws to become loose and to fall doAMi, together with 
the plate. 



^.,V".^ ^^ ^^ ^; ^' 



Inscription on front of the little silver plate. Exact size. 
Copied by R. Cronau, January 11, 1891. 




Inscription on back of the little silver plate. Exact size. 
Copied by R. Cronau, January 11, 1891. 

Very curiously, this plate has inscriptions on either side. 
As already stated, the short inscription has been read by some 
as: "Urna Cristoval Colon"— ("Co/M o/ Christopher Colum- 
bus") . The longer inscription has been interpreted by some as 
meaning: "Urna pertenciente de los restos del primer Almi- 
rante Don Cristobal Colon." Others have suggested the trans- 
lation: "Ultima parte de los restos del jnimer Almirante 
Cristoval Colon, Descubridor" ("The last parts of the remains 
of the first Admiral Christopher Columbus, the Discoverer"). 



81 

While I found no reason to object to the interpretation sug- 
gested for the last inscription, I can not agree to the transla- 
tion of the shorter inscription as meaning "Urna Cristoval 
Colon." I am much more inclined to believe that the engraver 
originally intended to express in the short inscription the same 
idea as he has expressed in the longer one, namely "Ultima 
parte." But he may have found his fii'st attempt unsatisfac- 
tory because it did not seem intelligible enough on account of 
its too great brevity. Accordingly he engraved the more ela- 
borate inscription on the other side to make sure that the read- 
ing would be more easily understood in later centuries. Indeed, 
it would seem senseless to write on both sides of a plate, one 
side of which was always invisible because tin-ned toward the 
wall of the coffin. 

That this explanation may be correct, seems to be proven 
by the fact that in the short inscription a small p is to be seen 
enclosed within the capital letter C of "Cristobal." Probably 
this letter was intended to stand for the word "parte." Objec- 
tion has been also raised that the letter s in the name "Cristo- 
val" in the short inscription of the silver plate is not of the 
kind in vogue during the sixteenth century, and hence the in- 
scription must be spurious. That this view is erroneous also 
has been proved l)y Frederick A. Ober, who as a special com- 
missioner was sent in 1891 by the directors of the World's Co- 
lumbian Exposition to the West Indies, to collect material re- 
lated to the time of discovery. In his book "In the Wake of 
Columbus" Ober reproduces on page 378 a page of a book of 
Iiaptisms in the cathedral of Santo Domingo, l)earing date 
1591. On this page the same form of s is used in the name 
Cristoval Rodriguez as well as in other names. 

Another objection has been i-aised bj'^ Spanish historians 
to the spelling of the name Cristoval, Avhich, it is insisted, 
should be Christoval, having the letter h. This objection is re- 
jected by Archbishop Rocco Cocehia in his 1)ook "Cristoforo 
Colombo e le sue ceneri," where he states that during the 16th 
century the name Cristoval appears in many various spellings, 
as for instance: Cristoval, Cristoual, Cristobal, Christoval, 
Christoual, Christobal, xpval, xpbal, xpoul, xpoval, xpoual, 
xptoval, xptoual, xptol)al and xperristoval. 



82 

John Boyd Thacher in his great work on Columbus (vol. 
Ill, p. 600) hints "ihat the inficripiionfi on the coffin were per- 
haps not made by a Spaniard or by the direction of a Span- 
iard." Such a possibilitj' must be admitted, when we remem- 
ber the many German printers li^ang in Spain during the 15th 
and 16th centuries, as I liaA^e sIiomti. Seville had several of 
them. Consequently we may assume that there were living in 
Seville also German craftsmen able to cut types, which they 
supplied to these printers. It may be that one of those Ger- 
man craftsmen was commissioned by the heirs of Columbus to 
engrave the inscriptions on the coffin and on the little silver 
plate. 

A few words may be said about the inscriptions in general. 
The removal of the remains of Christopher Columbus and his 
son Diego from Spain to Santo Domingo took place, as may 
be judged from the last royal provision of November 1540, 
some time after that date. As at that time the original coffins 
may have been already in delapidated condition, it became ad- 
visable to collect that which remained of the two bodies for con- 
venience sake into two small leaden cases which could be stored 
easily into the ship's hold. These cases were probably of the 
same size. Noav, can it be imagined that the case of such an 
illustrious man as the disco\'erer of the New World should have 
been left without any ^'isible marks or inscriptions by means 
of which an identification might be possible and mistakes avoid- 
ed? This thought must be strongly rejected. It is only natural 
that the case in which the ashes of the great Admiral Avere 
placed was distinguished by some fitting inscriptions which 
might enable easy identification not only after their arrival in 
Santo Domingo but also in later centuries. As the official doc- 
ument set up in 1795, when the Spaniards emptied the vault 
in the Cathedral at Santo Domingo, does not mention any 
mark or inscriptions on the leaden plates taken from that tomb, 
it must therefore be regarded as the strongest proof that this 
vault never enclosed the ashes of America's discoverer, but 
those of his son Diego, Avhose remains had been transferred to 
Santo Domingo at the same time. 



83 

THE BULLET IN THE CASE. 

JNIention should be made also of the bullet that had been 
found among the human remains. ^^Hiile several authors haA^e 
ignored its existence entirely, it seems to me that it may be re- 
garded as an important piece of evidence in this peculiar case. 

Describing in a letter of July 7, 1503, the awful hardshijis 
of his fourth and last voyage, Columbus writes: "While all 
men of the crew in their extreme exhaustion longed to die to be 
released of their sufferings, my wound opened again, (quini 
se me rinfresco del mate la piago), and for nine daj^s all hope 
Avas gone to keep me alive." 

These words evidently show that Columbus during some 
former period of his life had been wounded. As he was not 
Avounded during one of his voyages to the Ncav World, ^ve 
must assume that this happened during the times when he Avas 
closely allied to the Columbi, two corsairs which during the 
second half of the 15th century were the terror bf the Euro- 
pean seas. Venetian State papers of the years 1468 to 1485 
refer quite often to these pirates, especially to Colombo the 
younger, who under the name Nicolo Griego became the most 
daring of sea-robbers. In 1485 he engaged, off Cape St. Vin- 
cent, four great Venetian galleys. The dreadful contest raged 
for twenty-foiu- hours and ended with a complete victory for 
the pirates. Ferdinand Columbus, to whom we owe a biogra- 
phy of his father, the discoverer, boasts of his father's share in 
this engagement. For how many years Christopher Columbus 
took part in such affairs of his relatives, we do not Icnow. But 
I am inclined to believe that diu'ing one of those adventurous 
trips he may have received a gunshot, and that the ball re- 
mained in his body till his end. Firearms, guns and pistols 
•were well IcnoAni in the middle of the 15th century all over 
Europe, especially in France and Italy.*) That gun-balls very 



*) It may be not out of order to mention here that the date and circumstances 
of the introduction of portable firearms are involved in obscurity. While in Ger- 
many the invention of gunpowder is ascribed to a monk, Bertholdus Schwartz, 
about 1320, the Encyclopedia Britannica in its article al)Out gun-powder says: 



84 

often remain in the bodies of wounded persons through their 
wiiole lifetime, and that wounds made by such bullets tend to 
break out again sometimes, is also well known. Therefore it 
is not impossible that the ball found in the case of the Admiral 
had remained in his bodj% caused fresh breaking out of liis 
wound in 150-t and became free later after Columbus had died 
and his corpse fell into decay. 

If fraud was committed by Bishop Rocco Cocchia, as the 
Spanish authorities woidd have us believe, ^^'hat reasons could 
have induced hhn to place in the casket a ball that to my 
knowledge was never brought in any connection A\'ith the above 
mentioned part of the letter Columbus wrote to the king dur- 
ing his fourth voyage? 

To sum up, all evidences point most strongly to the proba- 
bility, that Lieutenant-General Aristizabal, in 1795, while 
searching for the remains of Christopher Columbus, opened 
not the vault of the Admiral but that of his son Diego, buried 
only a few inches apart from his father. This mistake hap- 
pened, as he was ignorant of the fact that there were t\\o vaults 
close together, and furthermore that, as JNIoreau de St. JMery 
had stated only a few years before, "not a mausoleum, nor a 
monument, not even an inscription," indicated where the true 
resting place of Christopher Columbus was. 



"There is a treatise on jrun-powtler in tlie library of the Escorial, written aliout 
1250, which appears to descrilie both rockets and slicUs. The Arabians are, from 
this and other authoi-ities, supposed to have enclosed combustible or explosive com- 
positions in hollow globes of iron, wliich were discharged upon the foe cither by 
hand, like the modern grenade, or from the warlike machines then in use. It has 
also been stated tliat toward the close of the 13th century they projected small balls 
from tubes carried in tlie hand, or attached to the end of a lance, and only used at 
close quarters being in fact hand-guns." Petrarch, about the year 1314 in his di- 
alogUiCS. "De remediis utriusque fortunae" also speaks of "brazen globes cast forth 
by the force of flame with a horrible sound of thunder." 

In England guns and gun-powder were known in I'Sid. In ''Archaeologia," pub- 
lished by the Society of Antiquaries, vol. XXXII, page 379, there is an article 
which cites payments by King Edward III to William de Stanes for salpetre and 
sulphur supplied by him to Thomas de Uoldeston "for the King's use for his guns." 
And the Encycl. Brit, states that in 137.5 men armed with "gunnes" made an 
attack on a Yorkshire manor house. 



86 

After my investigations in the Cathedral at Santo Do- 
mingo were concluded, the authorities, who during my work 
had remained present, replaced the casket and its contents 
in the glass box. This was wound about with a new ribbon in 
the colors of the Dominican Republic, red, Avhite and blue. Af- 
ter this ribbon had again been put under the seals of the Gov- 
ernment, the Church and the several Consuls, the case was re- 
turned to the cell from which it had been taken. Notaries who 
had been called read the report they had made. After it had 
been properly signed, the assemblage dej)arted. 

The results of my investigations, together Avith all copies 
of the inscriptions on the coffin were in 1892 published in my 
])ook "Amerika, die Geschichte seiner Entdeckung" as well 
as in the Spanish edition "America, histoi-ia de su descubri- 
miento." The latter edition appeared in Barcelona. It seems, 
however, that the Spanish authorities utterly ignored this pub- 
lication, for, in January, 1899, when Cuba had become a repub- 
lic, they once more witli great pomp removed the supposed re- 
mains of Columbus from the Cathedral of Havana, this time 
taking them to Spain, where they Mere given sepulchre in the 
magnificent cathedral of Seville. An elaborate monument, 
showing four ministrant boys in full life size, carrying a mag- 
nificent sarcophagus, marks the place Avhere rest those rem- 
nants which the Spaniards still claim to be the genuine ones of 
Christopher Columbus. 




86 



WHAT T^¥0 AMERICAN JURISTS SAY. 

It may not be out of place here, to reproduce the views 
of two able American jurists, who became interested in this 
peculiar question, studied the same and published their find- 
ings. John Gilmnri/ Shea in the "jNIagazine of American His- 
tory" for January 1883, has criticised the methods of the 
Spanish Avriters to uphold the claim of Havana and to imj)each 
the discovery made in Santo Domingo in 1877 l)y assailing the 
character of Bishop Rocco Cocchia and presenthig him as an 
impostor. He says: "These advocates on the Si)anish side 
adopt a system which we, at a distance, and Avith nothing to 
bias us in favor of either side, cannot recognize as just or 
sound, for at the great bar of historical criticism both sides 
must be held to the same rule of evidence. But they insist on 
everything being taken for gTanted in regard to the excavation 
(jf 1785, and thej' not only impeach all the evidence of that of 
1877, but they even assail the good faith of all concerned, and 
fail to produce even presumptive proof. The vault found in 
1795 must, according to them, be regarded as unquestionable 
ancient; but that found in 1877 requires proof of its age, Sefior 
Prieto stating "my opinion is that it has not the antiquity 
supposed." There A\'as no inscription of any kind Avith the re- 
niains taken up in 1795, but they must he conceded to be those 
of Christopher Columlnis, while those found in 1877 are false 
because they haA^e an inscription. Those concerned in the ex- 
amination in 1795, Ave are required to belicA^e, acted in perfect 
faith, free from all pious fraud, and imliued Avith unerring ac- 
curacy, A\hile they insist on our regarding all concerned in the 
affair of 1877 as impostors and authors of a pious fraud. This 
course cannot be admitted. What one side is required to prove, 
the other is under equal obligation to support by evidence. A 
charge of fraud must lie sustained by evidence or such a train 
of circumstances as to admit of no other alternatiA^e. There 
cannot be a discrimination made betAveen the tAvo parties." 

The second American jurist interested in this case is Dr. 
liichard H. Clarke. He contributed to "Donahoe's JNIagazine" 



87 

of June 1893 an article "Where is Columbus buried?" From 
this article I quote the following: 

"In behalf of the Spanish claim it was necessary, in the face 
of the facts, to take bold and high ground. Hence they attack 
the veracity and good faith of Archbishop Cocchia, represent- 
ing him as an impostor, the perpetrator of an audacious fraud, 
and allege that under the pious pretext of contributing to the 
canonization of Columbus, he and his confederates were "the 
authors and accomplices of a pious fraud." While Archbishop 
Cocchia nmst be here regarded as the chief witness of certain 
facts, he is certainly entitled to that measure of credibility 
^dlich, upon well-kno^^^l principles of human nature and of 
moral philosophy, as well as upon the laws of evidence familiar 
in every court of justice, is extended to every witness. It is not 
sufficient to assail the testimony of a dignified gentleman of 
unquestionable character ami of high personal and official 
worth. It is necessary to adduce competent evidence to sustain 
such assertions. I must say that the reports, documents and 
general literature before me give no such proofs. Nor can I 
find anything to sustain the charge itself that the remains ex- 
humed in 1877 were lacking in antiquity. The official and 
solenm declaration of all the distinguished persons present, set- 
ting forth the facts, establish the contrary. 

With absolute impartiality I have examined the testimonj' 
and voluminous writings on both sides of this controversy, and 
the facts and arguments. The question is really narrowed 
do\\ii by the established laws of evidence. The historical fact 
is well estalilished, and it is conceded by the Spanisii advocates 
of Havana, that the remains of Columbus had been deposited 
in the Sanctuary of the Cathedral of San Domingo, on the 
right or Gospel side of the altar. By the rules of evidence, a 
state of facts or conditions of things once esta1)Iished or admit- 
ted, is legally presumed to continue until a dift^'erent one is prov- 
ed or admitted. Hence it follows that the remains of Columbus 
are presumed still to repose in the Cathedral of San Domingo, 
unless the advocates of the Cathedral of Havana can prove in- 
contestably their subsequent removal to Havana. Now what 
proof is there of such a removal? The contents of a grave, con- 
taining human remains, were certainly removed in 1795. But 
there Mas no leaden case, only fragments of lead showing there 



88 

may have been one formerl5\ There was no plate bearing a 
name or an inscription, and the grave was unmarked. There 
was nothing to show whose remains they were. Even the offi- 
cial act or document made on the occasion pointedly and sig- 
nificantly refrains from mentioning whose remains they were. 

The remains of the great Admiral were transj)orted about 
the year 1541 to the New World he had discovered, and buried 
on the right hand or gospel side of the grand altar of the Cath- 
edral of San Domingo, and there the^^ reposed unquestioned 
until 1795, when the Sj)anish Government and the Duke of 
A'^eragiia immediately and hastily, on tlie conclusion of the 
Treaty of Basle, and to avoid the complications of leaving 
them on other than Spanish soil, undertook their removal. In 
the haste of the remoA^al no other grave in that sanctuary ^vrs 
thought of but that of Columbus, and the first grave found on 
the Gospel side was taken to be his, and the remains were im- 
mediately removed to Havana. There Avas no inscription by 
which to identify the remains, and yet shovdd other graves be 
afterward found imder the sanctuary, or shoidd another grave 
be found on the Gospel side and especially under the bishop's 
chair, what authenticity could attach to the remains removed 
to Havana? But — still stronger — what if another grave shovdd 
be found thus located, bearing equal evidences of antiquity, and 
containing five separate and distinct inscriptions stating in un- 
mistakable language that they were the remains of Christopher 
Columbus? Yet all these were found in 1877. Mr. Greenleaf, 
in his great work on the la\\'s of evidence, states tliat the evi- 
dence derived from ancient tombs and the inscrijitions thereon 
stands in the very first rank of proof in the court of justice. 
But see the corroborating circumstances: first, its location just 
where Columbus had been buried; second, the finding of the 
grave of Luis Columbus on the Epistle side, just were it had 
l)een buried; third, the finding of the empty grave of Diego 
Columbus, just wliere it had been located; thus completing the 
identification of the grave of the three Columbuses; fourth, the 
remnants of corroded leaden plates in the grave of Diego, 
showing that there had also been an inscription there, Avhile the 
other two graves are clearly identified by apj)ropriate inscrii)- 



89 

lions of Columbus and Ivuis Columbus; fifth, the high and un- 
impeachable character of tlie archbishop and other officials 
making the discovery and certifying it to the world; sixth, the 
witnesses called, in the persons of the consuls of foreign na- 
tions, to see and certify to the whole proceeding; seventh, the 
absence of all j)i-oof or identification of the remains removed in 
1795 as those of Columbus; eighth, the judgment of learned 
historians and experts in favor of San Domingo ; ninth the cur- 
rent and living acquiescence of the world, as manifested bj^ the 
fact that, when antiquarians, students, officials, historians or 
tourists start out to visit and pay homage to the illustrious man 
who discovered America, they go directly to San Domingo, and 
there only." 

Fully agreeing with the views of these two jurists, I wish 
to express herewith my conviction, that if humanity will pay 
homage to the remains of the discoverer of America, the only 
place to do so is the Cathedral at Santo Domingo. 

« • 

Some time after my visit the Junta A^acional Columbiana, 
a committee of leading citizens of the Dominican republic, took 
steps to erect a Avorthy mausoleum for the discoverer of Amer- 
ica. Forty-five feet high, and richly decorated with has reliefs, 
statues, historical groups, this mausoleum is placed in an in- 
geniously and artistically constructed crypt under the old 
cathedral, a monument of befitting magnificence. The central 
figure is the Indian personification of the island Santo Domin- 
go, Quisqueya, guarding the ashes of Columbus. 




5-fe 

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LIST OF MAPS AXD ILLUSTRATIONS 

1. Map of Watling's Island. 

2. Track of Columbus from Guanahani to Cuba. 
li. Outlines of the various islands, suggested by former 

students of the Guanahani-question. 

4. Part of Juan de la Cosa's map (Anno 1500). 

5. Part of a map in the Royal Library of Turin (1523). 

6. Part of Diego Ribero's map (1529), 

7. Part of Pierre Descelier's map (1546). 

8. Part of a map in' the Atlas of Batiste Agnese (about 
1550). 

9. Part of a Portugxiese map in Florence (about 1560). 

10. Part of a map in the Cartas de Indias (1560). 

11. Part of Thomas Hood's map (1592). | |- ^ 

12. Part of Antonio de Herrera's map (1601). 

13. Part of Antony Jacobsz West Indian Paskacrt (1621). 

14. Map of the Western part of Saometo — Crooked Island. 

Illustrations from Photographs and Drawings by the Author 

15. Riding Rock Bay, the place of Columbus's Landfall. 

16. Tongue of Land described by Columlnis in his diary, 
under the date of October 14, 1492, as seen from the west. 

17. The same tongue of land, seen from the south-east. 

18. Cannon of the 17th century. 

19. Profiles of various islands of the Bahama archipelago. 

20. Cape St. IMaria, the northern point of Fernandina or 
Yuma. 

21. The Presbytery of the Cathedral in Santo Domingo. 

22. Original plan of the sanctuary. 

23. The coffin of Columbus. 

24. The lid of the coffin. 
25 — 29. The inscriptions on the coffin, copied by the author 

and reproduced in exact size. 
30 — 35. Autographs of the 16th century, showing those of 
Pizarro, Cortes, Coronado, Ponce de Leon, Biedma, 
Mendoza and De Soto. 



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